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{{Infobox_President
| name=José Figueres Ferrer
| nationality=Kosta Rika
| image=ns0110José Figueres Ferrer 1.jpgpng
| order=[[Presiden Kosta Rika]]
| term_start=[[8 Mei]] [[1948]]-[[8 November]] [[1949]] <br /> [[8 November]] [[1953]]-[[8 Mei]] [[1958]] <br /> [[8 Mei]] [[1970]]
| term_end=[[8 Mei]] [[1974]]
| vicepresident=
| predecessor=[[Teodoro Picado Michalski]] <br /> [[Otilio Ulate Blanco]] <br /> [[José Joaquín Trejos Fernández]]
| successor=[[Otilio Ulate Blanco]] <br /> [[Mario Echandi Jiménez]] <br /> [[Daniel Oduber Quirós]]
| birth_date=[[25 September]] [[1906]]
| birth_place=[[San Ramón]], [[Alajuela]]
| death_date={{death date and age|1990|6|8|1906|9|25}}
| death_place=[[San Jose, Kosta Rika|San Jose]], [[Kosta Rika]]
| party=[[Partai Pembebasan Nasional|PLN]]
| spouse=
}}
 
'''José María Hipólito Figueres Ferrer''' ({{lahirmati|[[Kostarika]]|25|9|1906||8|6|1990}}) menjabat [[Presiden Kosta Rika|Presiden]] [[Kosta Rika]] untuk tiga kali masa jabatan, yaitu pada [[8 Mei]] [[1948]]-[[8 November]] [[1949]], [[8 November]] [[1953]]-[[8 Mei]] [[1958]], dan [[8 Mei]] [[1970]]-[[8 Mei]] [[1974]].
 
Pada masa jabatannya yang pertama, ia menghapuskan [[Militer Kosta Rika|tentara]] negara itu, menasionalisasi sektor perbankannya, dan memberikan hak pilih kepada kaum perempuan.
 
== Masa muda ==
Figueres dilahirkan pada 25 September 1906 di Kosta Rika. Lokasinya penting, menurut penulis biografinya yang terbaik, karena orangtuanya berasal dari sebuah tempat yang membuat kebanyakan rakyat Kosta Rika iri, dan ia dilahirkan dalam sebuah bangsa yang menjunjung tinggi latar belakang Spanyolnya yang tanpa cacat. Figueres adalah anak sulung dari empat anak seorang dokter Catalan Spanyol dan istrinya, seorang guru. yang baru saja berimigrasi dari Spanyol ke [[San Ramon]] di Kosta Rika bagian tengah-barat.
 
Figueres belajar bahasa Inggris di sekolah dan menaruh minat dalam matematika dan fisika. Sejak muda Figueres sangat mandiri. Masalah dalam keluarganya menyebabkan ia dikirim ke [[Colegio Seminario]], yang membuat Figueres berusaha bunuh diri. Belakangan ia melanjutkan pendidikannya lewat korespondensi dengan Sekolah Internasional di [[Scranton, Pennsylvania]]. Berlawanan dengan keinginan ayahnya, ia pergi ke [[Boston]] dan masuk ke [[Institut Teknologi Massachusetts]] (MIT), belajar teknik hidroelektrik sambil bekerja di sebuah perusahaan teh sebagai penerjemah. Namun, kelas-kelas persiapannya dirasanya penuh pengulangan, sehingga ia berhenti sekolah. Ia mengaku menghabiskan seluruh waktunya di Amerika Serikat dengan belajar sendiri di Perpustakaan Umum Boston, yang belakangan disebutnya sebagai alma maternya. Di perpustakaan itu ia belajar lebih banyak tentang filsafat sosial dan teknik hidroelektrik daripada apa yang bahkan dapat diajarkan oleh MIT kepadanya. Ketika ia kembali ke Kosta Rika pada 1928, ia melanjutkan pendidikannya, dengan bekerja atau mempelajari karya-karya Jose Martí, Cervantes, Kant, dan Nietzsche <sup id="fn_2_back">[[#fn 2|2]], </sup><sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]], </sup><sup id="fn_7_back">[[#fn 7|7]], </sup><sup id="fn_12_back">[[#fn 12|12]]</sup>
 
== Menjadi petani kopi ==
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Figueres menjadi seorang petani kopi dan pembuat tambang yang sukses, dengan mempekerjakan lebih dari 1.000 orang petani penggarap dan buruh pabrik. Ia menggambarkan dirinya sebagai seorang "petani sosialis". Ia membangun perumahan dan menyediakan perawatan kesehatan dan rekreasi bagi buruh-buruhnya, serta mendirikan sebuah tanah pertanian masyarakat untuk menanam sayur-sayuran dan sebuah peternakan sapi dengan susu gratis bagi anak-anak para buruhnya.<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>
 
Para petani penggarap yang bekerja untuknya dapat menjual sisal yang ditanam di perkebunannya kepadanya dengan harga pasar untuk digunakan dalam pabrik tambangnya, atau menjualnya di tempat lain apabila mereka dapat memperoleh harga yang lebih baik.<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>
 
== Awal karier politik ==
Karier politik Figueres barangkali dimulai pada 1942. Dua hari setelah kapal selam musuh menenggelamkan ''[[San Pablo]]'' di pelabuhan [[Limón]], [[Komite Bersatu dari Perhimpunan Anti-Totaliter]] menyelenggarakan sebuah demonstrasi yang rencananya akan berkumupul di Parque Central, yang kemudian akan diikuti oleh sebuah pawai ke istana presiden. Temanya vitriolic: "Negara penuh dengan pengkhianat ... Para pengkhianat ini harus dihancurkan oleh rakyat tanpa kasihan dan dengan segera. ... Kata kunci kita adalah ini: [[mata ganti mata|mata ganti mata, gigi ganti gigi]]." Ketika tak seorang pun pembicara muncul pada hari demonstrasi itu, pawai mulai bergerak menju ke istana presiden. Kemudian, seseorang memecahkan jendela, dan selama enam jam kemudian terjadilah kerusuhan dan perampokan di seluruh kota San José. Pemerintah tidak banyak mengambil tindakan hingga larut malam, ketika korban yang jatuh sudah 76 orang terluka dan 123 bangunan rusak, termasuk sebuah gudang milik Figueres.
 
Figueres kecewa karena kerusakan-kerusakan itu, tetapi ia lebih kecewa lagi karena pemerintah tidak melakukan apa-apa untuk menghentikannya. Ia berbicara lewat radio dan menuduh pemerintahan Calderón tidak kompeten. Setelah menyebutkan kekurangan-kekurangan pemerintah selama beberapa waktu, polisi menyerbut stasiun radio itu dan menangkap Figueres. Figueres dituduh sebagai simpatisan Nazi dan membocorkan rahasia-rahasia militer kepada pihak musuh. Meskipun berbagai protes dan petisi dikirimkan kepada pemerintahan untuk memohon agar Figueres dibebaskan, Calderón mengusir Figueres dari Kosta Rika. Dengan demikian ia menjadi terkenal sebagai orang Kosta Rika pertama yang dibuang sejak rezim Tinoco.
 
Figueres tiba di Meksiko pada 11 Juli 1942 dan ia memutuskan untuk membalas denam terhadap Calderón. Ketika berada di pembuangan di Meksiko inilah Figueres bertemu dan bersahbatbersahabat dengan orang-orang pembuangan lainnya dari negara-negara Amerika Tengah dan Karibia lainnya: orang-orang pembuangan inilah yang kelak bersama-sama membentuk [[Legiun Karibia]].
 
Figueres tinggal selama dua tahun di pembuangan dari 11 Juli 1942 hingga 1944 di Meksiko. Ia kembali ke Kosta Rika setelah [[Teodoro Picado Michalski|Licenciado Teodoro Picado Michalski]] memenangkan jabatan presiden pada 1944.<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]], </sup><sup id="fn_8_back">[[#fn 8|8]], </sup><sup id="fn_12_back">[[#fn 12|12]]</sup>
 
== Kembali dari pembuangan ==
''Artikel utama: [[Perang Saudara Kosta Rika]]''
 
Ketika Figueres kembali pada 1944, ia mendirikan Partai Demokrat, yang setahun kemudian berubah menjadi Partai Demokrat-Sosial. Ia mempersalahkan dan mengkrtik bekas Presiden [[Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia|Calderon]] dan penggantinya [[Teodoro Picado Michalski|Presiden Picado]] melakukan korupsi dan penggelapan.
 
Figueres mulai melatih [[Legiun Karibia]], sebuah pasukan suka rela yang terdiri dari 700 orang. Figueres melancarkan sebuah revolusi bersama-sama dengan para tuan tanah dan agitator mahasiswa, dengan harapan untuk menggulingkan pemerintah Kosta Rika. Dengan maksud menggunakan Kosta Rika sebagai basis, Legiun ini merencanakan untuk berikutnya menyingkirkan tiga orang diktator Amerika Tengah. Para pejabat Washington tidak senang akan hal ini. Mereka mengamati dengan cermat kegiatan-kegiatan Legiun, khususnya setelah Figures melakukan serangkaian serangan teroris di dalam negeri Kosta Rika selama 1945 dan 1946 yang dimaksudkan akan berpuncak dalam suatu pemogokan umum. Namun rakyat tidak menanggapi.<sup id="fn_1_back">[[#fn 1|1]], </sup><sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]], </sup><sup id="fn_8_back">[[#fn 8|8]], </sup><sup id="fn_9_back">[[#fn 9|9]]</sup>
 
Para pendukung bekas Presiden [[Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia|Calderon]] melalui tindakan-tindakan yang curang, menghalangi dan menyatakan tidak sah pemilihan umum kepresidenan 1 Maret 1948 di mana [[Otilio Ulate Blanco]] mengalahkan Presiden [[Teodoro Picado Michalski|Picado]] dalam upayanya untuk mendapatkan mandat jabatannya yang kedua. Pada Maret-April 1948, berbagai protes terhadap hasil-hasil pemilihan umum semakin berkembagn dan berubah menjadi konflik bersenjata, lalu menjadi revolusi. Figueres mengalahkan gerilyawan yang dipimpin kaum komunis dan militer Kosta Rika, yang telah bergabung dengan Presiden [[Teodoro Picado Michalski|Picado]].<sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]], </sup><sup id="fn_8_back">[[#fn 8|8]]</sup>
 
Dengan lebih dari 2.000 orang yang tewas, perang saudara selama 44 hari yang timbul dari pemberontakan ini merupakan peristiwa yang paling berdarah dalam sejarah Kosta Rika dipada abad ke-20.
 
== Menjadi presiden sementara ==
<!--After the civil war Figueres became President at the head of a provisional junta known as the "Junta Fundadora"(Founding Council) that held power for 18 months. During that time he took several actions:
 
* abolishing the army ''(as a precaution against the militarism that has perennially thwarted or undercut democracy in Central America)''<sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]]</sup> ''Figueres said he was inspired to disarm Costa Rica by [[H.G. Wells]] "[[Outline of History]]," which he read in 1920 while at MIT. "The future of mankind cannot include armed forces. Police, yes, because people are imperfect.", he declared. Ever since, Costa Rica had no army and maintained a 7,500-member national police force for a population of 2.3 million.<sup id="fn_6_back">[[#fn 6|6]]</sup>''
* enabled women and illiterates to vote<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>,
* put into effect basic welfare legislation<sup id="fn_1_back">[[#fn 1|1]]</sup>,
* nationalized banks<sup id="fn_1_back">[[#fn 1|1]]</sup>,
* outlawed the Communist Party<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>,
* directed the writing of a new constitution<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>,
* guaranteed public education for all<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>,
* gave citizenship to black immigrants' children<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>,
* established civil service to eliminate the [[spoils system]] in government<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>, and
* introduced the Electoral Tribunal that would be in charge of overseeing the [[electoral process]].
 
"In a short time, we decreed 834 reforms that completely changed the [http://dictionary.reference.com/search?q=physiognomy physiognomy] of the country and brought a deeper and more human reolution than that of Cuba," Figueres said in a 1981 interview.<sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]]</sup>
 
Once Figueres gained control, the legislation he passed regarding [[social reform]] for his Second Republic of Costa Rica was not that much different from Calderón's proposals. In fact, it is believed by some historians (such as [[David LaWare]]) that Figueres' social reforms were more or less the same as Calderón's Labor Code of 1943, only Figueres had gained the power with which to enact the laws upon the whole country with the complete support of virtually all the country. Furthermore, both of these leaders' programs were in many cases exactly like the ones Franklin D. Roosevelt passed during the Great Depression that helped lift the US out of its own economic slump and social decline it had faced in the 1930s. Figueres admired what president Franklin D. Roosevelt did, however he noted that "the price he had to pay to get his programs through was to leave the business community free overseas to set up dictatorships and do whatever they liked...What we need now is an international New Deal, to change the relations between North and South."<sup id="fn_6_back">[[#fn 6|6]]</sup><sup id="fn_14_back">[[#fn 14|14]]</sup>
 
Figueres stepped down after 18 months, handing his power over to [[Otilio Ulate]], and ever since Costa Ricans have settled their arguments constitutionally.<sup id="fn_1_back">[[#fn 1|1]]</sup>
 
"Your hands are not clean to fight communism when you don't fight dictatorships," Figueres told American interviewers in 1951. "It seems that the United States is not interested in honest government down here, as long as a government is not communist and pays lip service to democracy."<sup id="fn_6_back">[[#fn 6|6]]</sup> -->
 
== Mandat pertama ''(1953-1958)'' ==
<!--In 1953 Figueres created the Partido de Liberacion Nacional (PLN), the most successful party in Costa Rican political history, and was returned to power in the 1953.<sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]], </sup> <sup id="fn_10_back">[[#fn 10|10]]</sup> He has been considered to be the most important political figure in Costa Rica's history.
 
During his various terms in office he nationalized the banking system and contributed to the construction of the [[Panamerican Highway]] that goes across Central America. He promoted the private industry sector and stimulated the national industry sector. He succeeded in energizing the country's middle class creating a strong buffer between the upper and lower classes.
 
What most alarmed U.S. officials was Figueres's material and moral support for the [[Caribbean Legion]], even though Figueres had obviously lost interest in the Legion after he gained power. But Figueres still criticized U.S. support for the dictators, going so far as to boycott the 1954 inter-American meeting because it was held in [[Caracas]], where President [[Marcos Perez Jimenez]] of Venezuela held sway.<sup id="fn_8_back">[[#fn 8|8]], </sup><sup id="fn_9_back">[[#fn 9|9]]</sup>
 
Figueres happily cooperated with North American military plans. After the United States established the School of the Americas in the Panama Canal Zone to train Latin American officers in Anti-Communist techniques, more Costa Rican "police" graduated from the School between 1950 and 1965 than did officers of any other hemispheric nation except Nicaragua.<sup id="fn_8_back">[[#fn 8|8]]</sup>
 
The Republic of China awarded him the "Shining Star" in 1955.
 
In 1957 an assassination plot by dictator [[Rafael Leonidas Trujillo]] ([[Dominican Republic]]) was uncovered. -->
 
== Kesaksian di depan Kongres AS ==
<!--In 1958, US vice-president [[Richard Nixon]] was spit at by a crowd in Caracas, Venezuela, while visiting as part of a goodwill tour through South America. The event prompted the US Congress to create a special committee to investigate the reasons behind it. Many people were invited to speak before it, including the Figueres, who testified as follows (in part) on June 9, [[1958]]:
 
:''"As a citizen of the hemisphere, as a man who has dedicated his public life to promote inter-American comprehension, as an educated man who knows and appreciates the United States and who has never tried to hide that appreciation to anyone, no matter how hostile he was, I deplore that the people of the Latin America, represented by a fistful of overexcited Venezuelans, has spitted a worthy public officer who represents the greatest nation of our time. But I must speak frankly and even rudely, because I am convinced that the situation demands it: the people cannot spit a foreign policy, which was what it tried to do. But when they have exhausted all other means of trying to make themselves understood, the only thing left to do is spitting. "''
 
:''"With all due respect to Vice-President Nixon, and with all my admiration towards his conduct, which was, during the events, heroic and later noble, I have no choice but to say that the act of spitting, however vulgar it is, lacks a substitute in our language to express certain emotions... If you’re going to speak of human dignity in Russia, ¿why is it so hard to speak of human dignity in the Dominican Republic? Where is intervention and where is non-intervention? Is it that a simple threat, a potential one, to your liberties, is, essentially, more serious that the kidnapping of our liberties? "''
 
:''"Of course you have made certain investments in the (Latin) American dictatorships. The aluminum companies extract bauxite almost for free. Your generals, your admirals, your public officers and your businessmen are treated there like royalty. "''
 
:''"Like your Senate verified yesterday, there are people who bribe the reigning dynasties with millions, to enjoy the privilege of hunting in their lands. They deduct the money from the taxes they pay in the US, but it returns to the country and, when it arrives to Hollywood, becomes extravagant furs and cars that bring down the fragile virtue of female stars. And, meanwhile, our women are kidnapped by gangsters, our men are castrated in the torture chambers and our illustrious professors disappear, lugubriously, from the halls of the University of Columbia, in New York. When one of your lawmakers calls this “collaboration to fight communism,” 180 millions of Latin Americans feel the need to spit. "''
 
:''"Spitting is a despicable custom, if done physically. But what about moral spits? When your government invited Pedro Estrada, the Himmler of the Western Hemisphere, to be honored in Washington, didn’t you spit upon the face of all democrats in (Latin) America? … I can assure you that, when it comes to international economic policy, the United States seems to be willing to repeat certain errors of domestic policy that inflicted much damage in the past, including, of course, the ones that led to the great crisis of 1929. "''
 
:''"We, the Latin Americans, are tired of pointing at these mistakes; especially, the lack of interest in the prices of our products. Every time we suggest a plan to stabilize prices at a fair level you answer with economy slogans, like “the law of supply and demand” or “the free market system,” or with insults like “Aren’t we paying you enough money now?” We don’t beg, except in emergencies. We’re not people who will spit for money. We’ve inherited all the flaws of the Spanish character, but also some its virtues. "''
 
:''"Our poverty does not diminish our pride. We have our dignity. What we want is to be paid a fair price for the sweat of our people, for the impoverishment of our land, when we provide a product needed by another country. That would be enough to live, to raise our own capital and to carry on with our own development."'' -->
 
== Perang dengan Nikaragua ==
<!--Figueres's support for the [[Caribbean Legion]] nearly cost him his job during this second presidency. Implicated in an invasion of Nicaragua in April 1954 by anti-Somoza exiles linked to the [[Caribbean Legion]], [[Anastasio Somoza Garcia]] launched a counter-attack, allowing the exiled former Costa Rica president [[Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia]] to invade Costa Rica in January 1955.
 
Figueres had played a dangerous game, but he had also abolished the Costa Rican army, which forced him to appeal to the [[Organization of American States]] to protect his country from Somoza's aggression. The OAS, with the concurrence of the U.S. representative, ordered a cease-fire and sent a delegation to Costa Rica for an on-site investigation.
 
At that point, Somoza realized that he had to act quickly. He called in his IOU from the CIA. He had permitted the CIA to use [[Las Mercedes Airport]], outside Managua, as a base for its P-47s during the Guatemalan intervention. Now he wanted the planes that were parked there to help him in his feud with Figueres.
 
On January 15, three days after the OAS action, a [[P-47 Thunderbolt]] violated Costa Rican airspace and bombed and strafed a number of Costa Rican towns.
 
Figueres, alarmed by this escalation, pointed out that Costa Rica had no defense against "modern weapons" of this kind and again appealed to the OAS. The council of the organization immediately authorized the United States to sell four [[P-51 Mustang]] fighters to Costa Rica for a dollar apiece.
 
The State Department, responding to pressure from certain U.S. congressmen and sensing an opportunity to improve America's image in Latin America after Guatemala, came to the rescue and preserved the Caribbean's "lone democrat." Its gesture ended the "invasion," and the State Department scored one over the CIA. The Nicaraguan dictator withdrew, but not before extracting a commitment from Figueres that he would sever links with the exiles. <sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]], </sup><sup id="fn_10_back">[[#fn 10|10]], </sup><sup id="fn_11_back">[[#fn 11|11]]</sup> -->
 
== Hubungan dengan CIA ==
<!--The CIA gave Figueres money to publish a political journal, Combate, and to sponsor the founding meeting of the Institute of Political Education in Costa Rica in November 1959. The institute was organized as a training school and a center for political collaboration for political parties of the democratic left, principally from Costa Rica, Cuba (in exile), the Dominican Republic (in exile), Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua (in exile), Panama, Peru, and Venezuela. The CIA concealed its role from most of the participants except Figueres. Its funds passed first to a [[Shell foundation]], then to the [[Kaplan Fund]] of New York, next to the [[Institute for International Labor Research]] (IILR) located in New York, and finally to [[San Jose]]. Socialist leader Norman Thomas headed the IILR. After the CIA connection was revealed, Thomas maintained that he had been unaware of it, but the IILR's treasurer, Sacha Volman, who also became treasurer of the institute in [[San Jose]], was a CIA agent. The CIA used Volman to monitor the institute, and [http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKmeyerC.htm Cord Meyer] collaborated directly with Figueres.<sup id="fn_11_back">[[#fn 1|11]]</sup>
 
Mr. Figueres himself acknowledged in 1981 that he had received help from the Central Intelligence Agency.
 
"At the time, I was conspiring against the Latin American dictatorships and wanted help from the United States," he recalled. "I was a good friend of Allen Dulles."
 
"Anyway," Mr. Figueres went on, "the C.I.A.'s Cultural Department helped me finance a magazine and some youth conferences here. But I never participated in espionage. I did beg them not to carry out the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, which was madness, but they ignored me." <sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]]</sup>
 
[http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKmeyerC.htm Cord Meyer] came to San Jose sometime in the summer of 1960. He and Figueres created the [[Inter-American Democratic Social Movement]] (INADESMO), which was nothing more than a front. A flier describing the idealistic purpose of INADESMO carried the same post office box as Figueres's personal letterhead. The INADESMO setup enabled Meyer to disperse funds more directly, without having to bother with conduits or the accounting procedures of the institute. For example, INADESMO contributed $10,000 to help finance the [[First Conference of Popular Parties of Latin America]] in Lima, Peru, in August 1960.
 
The following May, Meyer returned to [[San Jose]] for a more urgent purpose. In the wake of the Bay of Pigs failure, he provided Figueres with INADESMO funds to sponsor a meeting at his estate, 'La Lucha', (May 12-20) between the leaders of the principal Dominican exile movements, [[Juan Bosch]] and [[Horacio Ornes]]. With Figueres as sponsor, Bosch and Ornes agreed to form a coalition government in anticipation of the overthrow of dictator [[Rafael Trujillo]]. As the United States moved to rally the hemisphere against Fidel Castro, Trujillo had become expendable, because the United States needed to demonstrate that it opposed all dictators, not just those on the left.
 
For over a year, the CIA had been in contact also with dissidents inside the Dominican Republic who argued that assassination was the only certain way to remove Trujillo. The CIA station in [[Ciudad Trujillo]] (now [[Santo Domingo]]) had encouraged the dissidents and actually delivered to them three pistols and three carbines "attendant to their projected efforts to neutralize Trujillo." Because the Bay of Pigs failure created an uncertain situation, the United States tried to put the brakes on this operation and refused to pass along additional weapons to the dissidents which the Dominican station already had, specifically M-3 machine guns. The [[National Security Council]], meeting on May 5, "noted the President's view that the United States should not initiate the overthrow of Trujillo before [knowing] what government would succeed him."
 
On May 30, Trujillo was ambushed and assassinated. The same "action group" with whom the CIA had been in contact and to whom it had delivered pistols and carbines carried out the attack. According to the 1975 report of the [[Church Committee]], there was "no direct evidence" that CIA weapons had been used in the assassinations and the effect of the Bosch-Ornes pact upon the events that transpired remains a matter for speculation. Nonetheless, the CIA described its role in "changing" the government of the [[Dominican Republic]] "as a 'success' in that it assisted in moving the [[Dominican Republic]] from a totalitarian dictatorship to a Western-style democracy." Bosch himself was elected president of the Dominican Republic. [[Sacha Volman]] followed him there, establishing a new "research and publication center" and taking with him the CIA funding that used to go to Figueres in Costa Rica. Though one cannot prove that there was a coordinated link between the external and internal opposition groups, [http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKmeyerC.htm Cord Meyer] was in a position to know what both elements were doing.<sup id="fn_11_back">[[#fn 1|11]]</sup> -->
 
== Dukungan Fidel Castro ==
<!--Mr. Figueres also opposed the dictatorial regime in pre-Castro Cuba and went so far as to dispatch a planeload of weapons for Cuban insurgents led by the young Fidel Castro, a member of [[Caribbean Legion]]. But soon after the 1959 success of the Castro revolution, he and Mr. Figueres had a falling out over the growth of Communist influence on the island.<sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]]</sup> In March, 1959, Figueres was invited to Havana, and during a public speech, he warned Castro about the ideological deviations he had observed in Cuba, and immediately the microphone was taken from him. Figueres supported John F. Kennedy's [[Alliance for Progress]] but not the C.I.A.'s clandestine wars with Cuba.<sup id="fn_1_back">[[#fn 1|1]]</sup> -->
 
== Mandat kedua ''(1970-1974)'' ==
<!--The termination of [[Alliance for Progress]] funds as well as the collapse of the [[Central American Common Market]], threatened to cripple the country's economy until Figueres discovered a new market by selling 30,000 tons of coffee to the Soviet Union in 1972. Costa Rica then became the only Central American nation to establish diplomatic relations with Moscow. The [[World Bank]] and [[International Monetary Fund]] also delivered millions of dollars to keep the economy afloat.<sup id="fn_10_back">[[#fn 10|10]], </sup><sup id="fn_13_back">[[#fn 13|13]]</sup>
 
Figueres despised dictators, but when opponents of Nicaragua's Gen. [[Anastasio Somoza]] seized a plane in San Jose in 1971, the 5-foot-3 Figueres stood on the runway and pointed a submachine gun at the cabin until the hijackers surrendered.<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>
 
He claimed that he almost ruined a 1973 Central American summit when he twitted five army generals: "Isn't it odd that all you bastards are generals, and I'm the only civilian, but I'm only one who's ever fought a war?"<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup> -->
 
== Pelarian dari AS ==
<!--Figueres was stubborn about his blunders, most notably his most controversial decision to grant asylum to [[Robert Vesco]], the fugitive U.S. financier, accused of looting millions of dollars from the I.O.S., Ltd., mutual funds in the 1970s. Mr. Vesco not only had a personal and business relationship with Mr. Figueres but he also made contributions to the campaign coffers of both leading political parties in the 1974 elections. Figueres made it clear, however, that he would not hesitate to extradite Vesco if the United States requested it. Figueres tried to intervene with president Jimmy Carter on Vesco's behalf. In the resulting political uproar in Costa Rica, Figueres' party lost the 1978 presidential election. Mr. Vesco fled Costa Rica after the Presidential elections of 1978 were won by [[Rodrigo Carazo Odiom]], who had vowed to expel him. <sup id="fn_1_back">[[#fn 1|1]], </sup><sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]], </sup><sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]], </sup></sup><sup id="fn_6_back">[[#fn 6|6]]</sup>
 
In an interview in 1981, Mr. Figueres said that Mr. Vesco had "committed many stupidities" but added:
 
"I have always defended asylum and would protect him again if I could because I never abandon my friends. The only thing that pains me is that some friends thought I personally benefitted from Vesco."
 
Earlier, in a 1973 interview, Mr. Figueres said that he had been introduced to Mr. Vesco in Costa Rica in 1972 and that Mr. Vesco had then arranged for the investment of $2.15 million in Sociedad Agricola Industrial San Cristobal S.A.
 
The financially troubled company was founded by Mr. Figueres and owned by him and others. It had diverse operations in agriculture and its 3,000 employes made it the fourth largest employer in Costa Rica.<sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]]</sup> -->
 
== Karier sebagai negarawan ==
<!--Figueres was well liked and received in many Latin-American countries for his center-left ideals. He has been called one of the greatest contributors to the Social Democratic ideology.
 
After the presidency, as an acknowledged elder statesman, Figueres became a roving ambassador for subsequent administrations.<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>
 
Americans were shocked by that series of hostile demonstrations during Nixon's "goodwill" tour of Latin America. They climaxed in May in [[Caracas]], [[Venezuela]] where a mob stoned and spat upon the vice president's motorcade and threatened his life. At the invitation of Representative Charles Porter of Oregon, Figueres (at the time, just out of office) came to Washington to [[Figueres speech|explain what had caused these events.]]
 
"People cannot spit on a foreign policy," Figueres told a House committee, "which is what they meant to do." Figueres insisted that Latin America supported the United States in the cold war, but he asked, "If you talk human dignity to Russia, why do you hesitate so much to talk human dignity to the Dominican Republic?" He testified that the United States must change its policy in Latin America and that it could not sacrifice human rights for "investments."
 
Figueres backed the leftist Sandinista revolution in neighboring Nicaragua that overthrew dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979. He railed against U.S. policy when the United States supported Nicaragua's contra guerrillas.<sup id="fn_2_back">[[#fn 2|2]],</sup> <sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>
 
A proposal by his supporters for a fourth presidential term in the 1980s was quickly crushed.<sup id="fn_10_back">[[#fn 10|10]]</sup>
 
"This is an exemplary little country. We are the example for Latin America," Figueres told the Los Angeles Times in a 1986 interview. "In the next century, maybe everyone will be like us."<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup> -->
 
== Hidup pribadi ==
<!--Mr. Figueres married [[Henrietta Boggs]] of Alabama in 1942. They had two children, Muni and Jose Marti, before the marriage ended in divorce in 1952. He later married [[Karen Olsen]] of New York. They had four children, Jose Maria, Karen Christiana, Mariano and Kirsten. His wife was a member of the National Assembly, the country's congress.
 
His son, [[José María Figueres|José María Figueres Olsen]], also served as president from [[1994]] to [[1998]]. -->
 
== Pujian untuk José Figueres Ferrer ==
<!--:'''[[New York Times]]''':
:If Costa Rica has eluded the familiar afflictions of Central America - war, poverty and repression - much of the credit belongs to Jose Figueres Ferrer, a fighter for democracy who died recently at the age of 83.
 
:It was he who took the bold step of dissolving Costa Rica's army nearly 40 years ago. He later remarked with justifiable pride that such reforms gave Costa Rica ''a deeper and more human revolution than that of Cuba.''
 
:That it was: Costa Rica has shown by example how a farewell to arms can make practical as well as moral sense.<sup id="fn_1_back">[[#fn 1|1]]</sup>
 
:'''[[Los Angeles Times]]''':
:Former Costa Rican President Jose Figueres, considered the father of peaceful modern democracy in his country and one of the most colorful elder statesmen of the Western Hemisphere, died Friday.<sup id="fn_3_back">[[#fn 3|3]]</sup>
 
:'''[[New York Times]]''':
:Mr. Figueres was 5 feet 3 inches tall and was given to airy philosophizing. ''I am what you might call a farmer-philosopher,'' he said to an interviewer in 1973, during his last term. But repeatedly, in times of crisis, he stood out as a man of action. It has been said in Costa Rica that once while President he appeared at an airport carrying a submachine gun to put a stop to a hijacking.<sup id="fn_4_back">[[#fn 4|4]]</sup>
 
:'''[[Newsday]]''' ''(New York)'':
:Once there was a very tiny country, surrounded by war and killing, blessed with a good leader who decided his best legacy, after winning a civil war, would be to abolish the army, and - breaking the mold created by despots in the other small countries around him - let the people vote.
 
:Meet Costa Rica and its visionary former president, Jose Figueres, who, 40 years later, has earned the right to philosophize on man and government and war - and to do so without a touch of irony.<sup id="fn_5_back">[[#fn 5|5]]</sup> -->
 
== Sumber-sumber ==
=== CatatanPranala kakiluar ===
<!--*<cite id="fn_1">[[#fn_1_back|Note 1:]] </cite> ''Costa Rica's Fierce Pacifist'', The [[New York Times]] June 17, 1990; Section 4; Page 20, Column 1
 
*<cite id="fn_2">[[#fn_2_back|Note 2:]] </cite> ''Former president of Costa Rica'', [[Chicago Tribune]], June 10, 1990, page 8
 
*<cite id="fn_3">[[#fn_3_back|Note 3:]] </cite> ''Jose Figueres, 82; Former Costa Rican President'', [[Los Angeles Times]], June 9, 1990, Part A; Page 34; Column 1
 
*<cite id="fn_4">[[#fn_4_back|Note 4:]] </cite> ''Jose Figueres Ferrer Is Dead at 83; Led Costa Ricans to Democracy'', The [[New York Times]], June 9, 1990, Section 1; Page 29, Column 1
 
*<cite id="fn_5">[[#fn_5_back|Note 5:]] </cite> ''Meet Costa Rica: PBS Documentary'', [[Newsday]], January 4, 1988
 
*<cite id="fn_6">[[#fn_6_back|Note 6:]] </cite> ''Costa Rica's Ex-Leader Praises U.S. Policy on Salvadoran War'' The Washington Post, June 22, 1984, page A24
 
*<cite id="fn_7">[[#fn_7_back|Note 7:]] </cite> {{cite book | author=La Feber, Walter | title=Inevitable Revolutions The United States in Central America | publisher=Norton Press | year=1993 | id=ISBN 0-393-03434-8}}, pg 102-103, quoting {{cite book | author=Bell, John Patrick | title=Crisis in Costa Rica: The 1948 Revolution | publisher=University of Texas Press | year=1971 | id=ISBN 0-292-70147-0}}
 
*<cite id="fn_8">[[#fn_8_back|Note 8:]] </cite> {{cite book | author=La Feber, Walter | title=Inevitable Revolutions The United States in Central America | publisher=Norton Press | year=1993 | id=ISBN 0-393-03434-8}}, pg 102-105
 
*<cite id="fn_9">[[#fn_9_back|Note 9:]] </cite> ''Inter-American Relations And Encounters: Recent Directions in the Literature'', Latin American Research Review June 22, 2000, Page 155
 
*<cite id="fn_10">[[#fn_10_back|Note 10:]] </cite> ''Jose Figueres'', Times Newspapers Limited, June 12, 1990
 
*<cite id="fn_11">[[#fn_11_back|Note 11:]] </cite> [http://www.umsl.edu/~skthoma/plwordab.htm More on (CIA Agent) Cord Meyer] Quoting: {{cite book | author=Ameringer, Charles | title=U.S. Intelligence Foreign Intelligence: The Secret Side of American History | publisher=Lexington Books | year=1990 | id=ISBN 0-669-21491-4}}
 
*<cite id="fn_12">[[#fn_12_back|Note 12:]] </cite> [http://www.livejournal.com/users/bailey83221/45020.html "How Costa Rica Lost Its Military"] citing:
::{{cite book | author=Bell, John Patrick | title=Crisis in Costa Rica: The 1948 Revolution | publisher=University of Texas Press | year=1971 | id=ISBN 0-292-70147-0}}
::{{cite book | author=Ameringer, Charles D. | title=Don Pepe: A political biography of José Figueres of Costa Ricas | publisher=University of New Mexico Press | year=1978 | id=ISBN 0-8263-0480-X}}
 
*<cite id="fn_13">[[#fn_13_back|Note 13:]] </cite> {{cite book | author=La Feber, Walter | title=Inevitable Revolutions The United States in Central America | publisher=Norton Press | year=1993 | id=ISBN 0-393-03434-8}}, pg 265 Citing Alan Riding in the [[New York Times]], 9 Dec 1981, D6
 
*<cite id="fn_14">[[#fn_14_back|Note 14:]] </cite> [http://www.elespiritudel48.org/docu/h_i01.htm Costa Rica and the 1948 Revolution] citing:
::{{cite book | author=Longley, Kyle | title=The Sparrow and the Hawk: Costa Rica and the United States During the Rise of Jose Figueres | publisher=University of Alabama Press | year=1997 | id=ISBN 0-8173-0831-8}} page 21-22
::LaWare, David, "Labor and the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948," page 2-3. ''In his essay, LaWare argues that both Calderón's and Figueres' policies on social development were virtually identical, and differed really only the subjects of Communism and labor parties, and proper implementation.'' -->
 
=== Pranala luar ===
* {{en}} [http://www.elespiritudel48.org/docu/h_i01.htm Costa Rica and the 1948 Revolution]
* {{en}} [http://www.trumanlibrary.org/oralhist/ferrerjf.htm Truman Library: Oral History Interview with Jose Figueres Ferrer July 8, 1970]
 
=== Bacaan lebih lanjut ===
 
* {{cite book | author=Longley, Kyle | title=The Sparrow and the Hawk: Costa Rica and the United States During the Rise of Jose Figueres | publisher=University of Alabama Press | year=1997 | id=ISBN 0-8173-0831-8}}
* {{cite book | author=BellLongley, John Patrick Kyle| title=CrisisThe inSparrow and the Hawk: Costa Rica: Theand 1948the RevolutionUnited |States During the Rise of Jose Figueres|publisher=University of TexasAlabama Press | year=1971 1997| id=ISBN 0-2928173-701470831-08}} "Figueres best biographer" according to Mr. La Feber<sup id="fn_7_back">[[#fn 7|7]]</sup>
* {{cite book|author=Bell, John Patrick|title=Crisis in Costa Rica: The 1948 Revolution|url=https://archive.org/details/crisisincostaric0000bell|publisher=University of Texas Press|year=1971|id=ISBN 0-292-70147-0}} "Figueres best biographer" according to Mr. La Feber<sup id="fn_7_back">[[#fn 7|7]]</sup>
*{{cite book | author=Kantor, Harry | title=Bibliography of Jose Figueres | publisher=Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University | year=1972 | id=ISBN 0-87918-006-4}}
* {{cite book | author=AmeringerKantor, Charles D. Harry| title=Don Pepe: A political biographyBibliography of JoséJose Figueres of Costa Ricas | publisher=UniversityCenter offor NewLatin MexicoAmerican Studies, PressArizona |State University|year=1978 1972| id=ISBN 0-826387918-0480006-X4}}
* {{cite book|author=Ameringer, Charles D.|title=Don Pepe: A political biography of José Figueres of Costa Ricas|url=https://archive.org/details/donpepepolitical00amer|publisher=University of New Mexico Press|year=1978|id=ISBN 0-8263-0480-X}}
* Costa Rica: Child in the Wind, 1988. (Video)(58 min.)
 
=== Lihat pula ===
 
*[[Perang Saudara Kosta Rika]]
* [[Perang Saudara Kosta Rika]]
 
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