Ketuanan Melayu: Perbedaan antara revisi
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=== Meninjau dan menyusun ulang kebijakan ekonomi ===
Sebelum berakhirnya DEB pada tahun 1990, terdapat banyak perdebatan mengenai kepastian kebijakan tersebut harus diperbarui, diganti, atau dibatalkan sama sekali. Pemerintah mengadakan tinjauan resmi terhadap NEP pada tahun-tahun menjelang berakhirnya DEB. DEB telah dihadapkan pada sejumlah kritik sepanjang
Some said the disbursement of shares favoured the politically connected, many of whom immediately sold the shares at market price, reaping the [[arbitrage]] instead of holding on and increasing the Malay share of equity, which the policy was intended to do. Although the NEP managed to create a class of Malay [[millionaire]]s, it was charged that this was mainly due to [[cronyism]], benefiting only the politically connected.<ref>Musa, pp. 178, 180, 181–182, 187, 259, 261.</ref> Some agreed, but argued against taking action; one PAS politician stated: "The Malays do not want justice to affect their interests."<ref>b. Maaruf, p. 58.</ref> Other commentators have suggested that although most of the benefits under the NEP accrued to the politically connected, the government intended for them to "[[trickle-down effect|trickle down]] to the Malay masses", and also for the Malay [[nouveau riche]] to provide "entrepreneurial role models" for other Malays.<ref name="pedersen_53"/>
During the 1980s, concern continued to grow about discrimination in higher education. At this point, the Education Minister told Parliament of "dissatisfaction" and "disappointment" among non-Malays concerning "lessening opportunities" for higher education.<ref name="trindade_lee_50">Trinidade & Lee, p. 50.</ref> Later in 1997, then Education Minister [[Najib Tun Razak]] defended the quotas as necessary, claiming that only 5% of all local undergraduates would be Malays if quotas were abolished.<ref>Musa, p. 182.</ref>
Another criticism was that the NEP and other affirmative action had actually reduced the Malays' self-confidence, despite Mahathir's intention of building a Malay business class to serve as [[role model]]s for impoverished Malays. One Malay journalist opined: "[U]nder this New Economic Policy, no Bumiputra could ever be sure that such 'victories' as came his way were fully deserved."<ref>Rashid, p. 99.</ref> The NEP was also criticised for seeking to improve the Malays' overall share of the economy, even if this share were to be held by a small number of Malays.<ref>Bennet, Abang (2005). [http://aliran.com/archives/monthly/2005b/7d.html "UMNO: A threat to national prosperity"]. Retrieved 11 November 2005.</ref> Some quarters accused the NEP of being too heavy-handed in its approach towards affirmative action, maintaining it had "deprived qualified non-Malays of opportunities for higher education and job promotions" and forcing many non-Malays to emigrate instead.<ref>Abdullah & Pedersen, p. 56.</ref> This, combined with the impressions of the NEP as corrupt and associated with ''ketuanan Melayu'', led to "deep resentment", particularly among the Chinese.<ref>Branegan, Jay (20 August 1990). [http://www.time.com/time/asia/2003/mahathir/mahathir900820.html A Working Racial Bias]. ''[[TIME]]''.</ref> The NEP was criticised as "set[ting] those Malaysians so honoured with it above the rest, granting them the preferential treatment of the NEP," while "divid[ing] Malaysians into first- and second-class citizens".<ref>Rashid, pp. 98, 135.</ref>
In 1990, the NEP was replaced by the [[National Development Policy]] (NDP), which continued most of the NEP-era policies. The Malay share of the economy, though substantially larger, was not near the 30% target according to government figures. In its review of the NEP, the government found that although income inequality had been reduced, some important targets related to overall Malay corporate ownership had not been met. Both Mahathir and the Tunku had expressed concern that the Malays remained too reliant on the Chinese economically.<ref>Maidin, pp. 252–253.</ref><ref>Putra, pp. 97–99.</ref>
Claims that the NEP had retarded economic growth were dismissed; it was posited that the NEP had managed to avert further racial rioting, which would have hurt economic growth more than the NEP. The NEP was also defended as having created a Malay [[middle class]] and improving [[standard of living|standards of living]] without compromising the non-Bumiputra share of the economy in absolute terms; statistics indicated that the Chinese and Indian middle classes also grew under the NEP, albeit not as much as the Malays'. The overall Malaysian poverty rate had shrunk from 50% at independence to 7%. It was also argued that [[ethnic stereotype]]s had been largely stamped out due to the NEP's success in creating a Malay upper class. Although many of the NEP's goals were restated by the NDP, the new policy appeared to be geared more towards wealth retention and creation, as opposed to simple redistribution.<ref name="pedersen_53"/><ref>Ye pp. 85, 92, 94, 156.</ref><ref>Milne & Mauzy, pp. 72–74.</ref> Nevertheless, many of the policies from the NEP era were retained under the NDP, which was set to expire in 2020.<ref>Musa, p. 113.</ref>
== Pemerintahan Najib ==
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