Penyangkalan genosida Armenia: Perbedaan antara revisi

Konten dihapus Konten ditambahkan
Baris 47:
==Cikal bakal==
===Kekaisaran Utsmaniyah===
[[Penyangkalan genosida]] melibatkan upaya minimisasi (meremehkan) sebuah peristiwa yang dinyatakan sebagai genosida, entah dengan menyangkal fakta-fakta yang ada, atau dengan mempertanyakan maksud dari para pelakunya.<ref name=denial>Definitions of denial:
* {{harvnb|Hovannisian|2015|p=244.{{nbsp}}|ps="This essay follows the general usage of the term denial to mean assertions that an event understood as genocide (typically founded on extensive analysis of evidence by reputable experts) is in fact not genocide, whether by representing the events as something else or claiming that the core events in question did not occur at all."}}
* {{harvnb|Smith|2015|p=6|ps=. "In many ways, the Turkish arguments have remained the same: denial of the facts, of responsibility, of the significance of what took place, and that the term genocide applies... the goal of denial is to create a new reality (denial as construction) with both "sides" engaged in an unending debate in which a consensus will never arrive and for which there will be a need for unending research to establish the facts."}}
Baris 65:
* {{harvnb|Suny|2015|pp=349, 365|ps=. "The Armenian Genocide was a central event in the last stages of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the foundational crime that along with the ethnic cleansing and population exchanges of the Anatolian Greeks made possible the formation of an ethnonational Turkish republic... The connection between ethnic cleansing or genocide and the legitimacy of the national state underlies the desperate efforts to deny or distort the history of the nation and the state's genesis."}}
* {{cite book|last1=Kieser|first1=Hans-Lukas|last2=Öktem|first2=Kerem|last3=Reinkowski|first3=Maurus|date=2015|title=World War I and the End of the Ottomans: From the Balkan Wars to the Armenian Genocide|publisher=[[Bloomsbury Publishing]]|isbn=978-0-85772-744-2|language=en|chapter=Introduction|quote=We are of the firm opinion, strengthened by the contributions in this volume, that the single most important reason for this inability to accept culpability is the centrality of the Armenian massacres for the formation of the Turkish nation-state. The deeper collective psychology within which this sentiment rests assumes that any move toward acknowledging culpability will put the very foundations of the Turkish nation-state at risk and will lead to its steady demise.|author1-link=Hans-Lukas Kieser|author2-link=Kerem Öktem|author3-link=Maurus Reinkowski|chapter-url=https://www.bloomsburycollections.com/book/world-war-i-and-the-end-of-the-ottomans-from-the-balkan-wars-to-the-armenian-genocide/introduction-world-war-i-and-the-end-of-the-ottomans-from-the-balkan-wars-to-the-armenian-genocide?from=search}}
* {{harvnb|Chorbajian|2016|p=169|ps=. "As this applies to the Armenians, their physical extermination, violent assimilation, and erasure from memory represent a significant continuity in the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey. The planning and implementation of the Armenian Genocide as an act of commission (1915–22) and omission (1923–present) constitute the final act of the Ottoman Empire and the start of a process of Turkification that defines the Turkish Republic a century later."}}</ref> Penghancuran Kristen kelas menengah, dan pembagian harta benda mereka, memberikan kesempatan pembentukan kaum borjuis Muslim/Turki baru.{{sfn|Kévorkian|2011|p=810}}{{sfn|Akçam|2012|pp=361–362}}{{sfn|Avedian|2012|p=813}} Terdapat kelanjutan signifikan antara Kekaisaran Utsmaniyah dan Republik Turki, serta [[Partai Rakyat Republik]] menjadi penerus Komite Persatuan dan Kemajuan yang mendalangi genosida tersebut.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Üngör |first1=Uğur Ümit |author1-link=Uğur Ümit Üngör |title=Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk 'Social Engineering' |journal=European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey |date=2008 |issue=7 |doi=10.4000/ejts.2583 |url=https://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583#ftn1 |language=en |issn=1773-0546|doi-access=free }}</ref><ref name=Zurcher308>{{harvnb|Zürcher|2011|p=308|ps=. "In ideological terms there is thus a great deal of continuity between the periods of 1912–1918 and 1918–1923. This should come as no surprise... the cadres of the national resistance movement almost without exception consisted of former Unionists, who had been shaped by their shared experience of the previous decade."}}</ref> [[Gerakan kebangsaan Turki]] bergantung pada dukungan dari orang-orang yang melakukan genosida tersebut atau yang memperkaya diri mereka sendiri dari kejadian tersebut, menciptakan dorongan untuk pembungkaman.<ref name=Zurcher316/><ref>{{harvnb|Avedian|2012|p=806}}; {{harvnb|Cheterian|2015|p=155}}; {{harvnb|Baer|2020|p=83}}; {{harvnb|Dixon|2010a|p=468|ps=. "Many contemporary scholars emphasise that this official narrative [on the Armenian Genocide] is largely shaped by continuities and constraints inherited from the founding of the Republic. In particular, they highlight the striking continuities among political elites from the Young Turk through the Republican periods, the concentrated interests of a small group of business and political elites whose wealth can be traced back to confiscated Armenian assets, and the homogenising and Turkifying nature of Turkish national identity."}}</ref> Penyangkalan dan minimisasimeremehkan kejahatan masa perang berdampak penting pada pembentukan watak kebangsaan Turki.{{sfn|Kieser|2018|pp=385–386}}
 
Setelah genosida, sebagian besar penyintas memperjuangkan sebuah negara Armenia di timur Anatolia; perang antara golongan kebangsaan Turki dan Armenia menjadi kejahatan besar yang dilakukan kedua belah pihak. Tuntutan politik berikutnya dan pembunuhan Muslim oleh Armenia seringkali dipakai secara berulang untuk membenarkan genosida tahun 1915.<ref name=Ekm7>{{harvnb|Ekmekçioğlu|2016|p=7. "|ps=Even though the putative mass Armenian "betrayal" happened after the Young Turks acted on their plan to eradicate Armenianness, Turkish nationalist narratives have used Armenians' 'collaboration with the enemy' and secessionist agenda during the postwar occupation years as a justification for the 1915 'deportations'."}}</ref>{{sfn|Ulgen|2010|pp=376–377}} [[Perjanjian Sèvres]] memberikan wilayah besar kepada Armenia di timur Anatolia, namun tak pernah diimplementasikan karena [[invasi Armenia oleh Turki]] pada 1920.{{sfn|Suny|2015|pp=340–341}}{{sfn|Bloxham|2005|pp=101–102}} Pasukan Turki melakukan pembantaian penyintas Armenia di [[Kilikia]] dan mengakibatkan sekitar 200.000 orang Armenia tewas menyusul invasi Kaukasus dan [[Republik Armenia Pertama]]. Sehingga, sejarawan [[Rouben Paul Adalian]] berpendapat bahwa "[[Mustafa Kemal]] [pemimpin gerakan kebangsaan Turki] merampungkan tindakan yang dimulai oleh Talaat dan Enver pada tahun 1915."<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last1=Adalian |first1=Rouben Paul |author1-link=Rouben Paul Adalian |title=Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal |url=https://www.armenian-genocide.org/kemal.html |editor-last=Charny |editor-first=Israel W.|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Genocide: A–H |date=1999 |publisher=[[ABC-CLIO]] |isbn=978-0-87436-928-1 |language=en}}</ref>{{sfn|Avedian|2012|p=818}}{{sfn|Kieser|2018|pp=319–320}}