Tepi Barat: Perbedaan antara revisi

[[Berkas:We-map.png|jmpl|225px|Peta Tepi Barat]]

 

 

Wilayah "Tepi Barat", termasuk [[Yerusalem Timur]], mempunyai luas tanah 5.640&nbsp;km² dan luas perairan 220&nbsp;km², yaitu bagian barat laut dari [[Laut Mati]].<ref name="CIA">{{cite web| url= https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/we.html| title= The World Factbook – Middle East: West Bank| publisher= Central Intelligence Agency See also [[Geography of the West Bank]]| access-date= 2013-08-28| archive-date= 2014-05-06| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20140506164505/https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/we.html| dead-url= yes}}</ref> Dihuni sekitar 2.622.544 penduduk (Juni 2012). Lebih dari 80 persen, sekitar 2.100.000 orang,<ref name="CIA"/> adalah keturunan [[Arab]] [[Negara Palestina|Palestina]], dan kira-kira 500.000 orang adalah keturunan [[Yahudi]] [[Israel]] yang tinggal di Tepi Barat,<ref name="CIA"/> termasuk 192.000 yang tinggal di [[Yerusalem Timur]],<ref name="haaretz-27July2009">{{cite web |url=http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1103125.html |title=IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank |work=Haaretz |location=Israel |accessdate=9 May 2010 |archive-date=2009-12-03 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091203121551/http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1103125.html |dead-url=yes }}</ref> di pemukiman-pemukiman [[Israel]]. Komunitas internasional menganggap pemukiman [[Israel]] di Tepi Barat, termasuk [[Yerusalem Timur]], ilegal menurut hukum internasional, meskipun [[Israel]] membantahnya.<ref>{{Cite journal|title=Prolonged Military Occupation: The Israeli-Occupied Territories Since 1967|last=Roberts|first=Adam|author-link=Adam Roberts (scholar)|journal=The American Journal of International Law|volume=84|issue=1|publisher=American Society of International Law|pages=85–86|quote=The international community has taken a critical view of both deportations and settlements as being contrary to international law. General Assembly resolutions have condemned the deportations since 1969, and have done so by overwhelming majorities in recent years. Likewise, they have consistently deplored the establishment of settlements, and have done so by overwhelming majorities throughout the period (since the end of 1976) of the rapid expansion in their numbers. The Security Council has also been critical of deportations and settlements; and other bodies have viewed them as an obstacle to peace, and illegal under international law.}}</ref><ref name=maj>{{Cite book|title=The Italian Yearbook of International Law|volume=14|year=2005|editor1-last=Conforti|editor1-first=Benedetto|editor2-last=Bravo|editor2-first=Luigi|first=Marco|last=Pertile|chapter='Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory': A Missed Opportunity for International Humanitarian Law?|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|isbn=978-90-04-15027-0|page=141|quote=the establishment of the Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory has been considered illegal by the international community and by the majority of legal scholars.}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|journal=International Journal of Constitutional Law|title=Israel: The security barrier—between international law, constitutional law, and domestic judicial review|publisher=Oxford University Press|volume=4|last=Barak-Erez|first=Daphne|author-link=Daphne Barak Erez|year=2006|page=548|quote=The real controversy hovering over all the litigation on the security barrier concerns the fate of the Israeli settlements in the occupied territories. Since 1967, Israel has allowed and even encouraged its citizens to live in the new settlements established in the territories, motivated by religious and national sentiments attached to the history of the Jewish nation in the land of Israel. This policy has also been justified in terms of security interests, taking into consideration the dangerous geographic circumstances of Israel before 1967 (where Israeli areas on the Mediterranean coast were potentially threatened by Jordanian control of the West Bank ridge). The international community, for its part, has viewed this policy as patently illegal, based on the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention that prohibit moving populations to or from territories under occupation.|issue=3}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|chapter=Self-determination and population transfer|last=Drew|first=Catriona|title=Human rights, self-determination and political change in the occupied Palestinian territories|volume=52|series=International studies in human rights|editor-last=Bowen|editor-first=Stephen|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|year=1997|isbn=978-90-411-0502-8|pages=151–152|quote=It can thus clearly be concluded that the transfer of Israeli settlers into the occupied territories violates not only the laws of belligerent occupation but the Palestinian right of self-determination under international law. The question remains, however, whether this is of any practical value. In other words, given the view of the international community that the Israeli settlements are illegal under the law if belligerent occupation …}}</ref>