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==="Ras" sebagai konstruksi sosial===
==Catatan==▼
{{Main|Social interpretations of race|Racialism}}
Para [[antropolog]] dan ilmuwan [[evolusi]] lain sudah beralih dari istialh "ras" ke istilah "[[populasi]]" untuk membahas perbedaan [[genetis]]. Para [[sejarawan]], antropolog kebudayaan dan ilmuwan sosial memahamkan kembali istilah "ras" sebagai kategori kebudayaan atau [[konstruksi]] sosial, suatu cara tertentu orang bicara tentang mereka sendiri dan tentang orang lain.
Banyak ilmuwan sosial sudah menggantikan istilah "ras" dengan kata "kelompok [[etnis]]" untuk menunjuk kelompok yang mengidentifikasi diri sendiri berdasarkan kepercayan mereka mengenai kebudayaan, asal-usul dan sejarah bersama. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race," following the [[Second World War]], evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. [[civil rights movement]] and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a [[Social construction|social construct]], a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.<ref name="Gordon64"/>
Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."<ref name="New Ideas, New Fuels: Craig Venter at the Oxonian"/>
Stephan Palmié asserted that race "is not a thing but a social relation";<ref name="Palmie2007"/> or, in the words of [[Katya Gibel Mevorach]], "a metonym," "a human invention whose criteria for differentiation are neither universal nor fixed but have always been used to manage difference."<ref name="Mevorach07"/> As such, the use of the term "race" itself must be analyzed. Moreover, they argue that biology will not explain why or how people use the idea of race: History and social relationships will.
Imani Perry, a professor in the Center for African American Studies at Princeton University, has made significant contributions to how we define race in America today. Perry’s work focuses on how race is experienced. Perry tells us that race, “is produced by social arrangements and political decision making.” <ref>Imani Perry, More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2011), 23.</ref> Perry explains race more in stating, “race is something that happens, rather than something that is. It is dynamic, but it holds no objective truth.”<ref>Imani Perry, More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2011), 24.</ref>
====Di Amerika Serikat====
{{Main|Race in the United States}}
{{See also|Miscegenation#Admixture_in_the_United_States|l1=Admixture in the United States}}
The immigrants to the [[Americas]] came from every region of Europe, Africa, and Asia. They [[miscegenation|mixed]] among themselves and with the [[Indigenous peoples of the Americas|indigenous inhabitants of the continent]]. In the [[United States]] most people who self-identify as [[African American|African–American]] have some [[European ethnic groups|European ancestors]], while many people who identify as [[European American]] have some African or Amerindian ancestors.
Since the early history of the United States, Amerindians, African–Americans, and European Americans have been classified as belonging to different races. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories, such as [[mulatto]] and [[octoroon]]. The criteria for membership in these races diverged in the late 19th century. During [[Reconstruction era of the United States|Reconstruction]], increasing numbers of Americans began to consider anyone with "[[one-drop theory|one drop]]" of known "Black blood" to be Black, regardless of appearance.<sup>[[#3|3]]</sup> By the early 20th century, this notion was made statutory in many states.<sup>[[#4|4]]</sup> [[Amerindians]] continue to be defined by a certain percentage of "Indian blood" (called ''[[Blood quantum laws|blood quantum]]''). To be White one had to have perceived "pure" White ancestry. The one-drop rule or hypodescent rule refers to the convention of defining a person as racially black if he or she has any known African ancestry. This rule meant that those that were mixed race but with some discernable African ancestry were defined as black. The one-drop rule is specific to not only those with African ancestry but to the United States, making it a particularly African-American experience.<ref>{{cite book|last=Sexton|first=Jared|title=Amalgamation Schemes|year=2008|publisher=Univ of Minnesota Press}}</ref>
The [[United States Census|decennial censuses]] conducted since 1790 in the United States created an incentive to establish racial categories and fit people into those categories.<ref name="nobles"/>
The term "[[Hispanic]]" as an [[ethnonym]] emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from American [[Hispanophone|Spanish-speaking countries]] to the United States. Today, the word "Latino" is often used as a synonym for "Hispanic". The definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races (Black, White, Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups).<ref name="Revisions to the Standards for the Classification of Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity"/> However, there is a common misconception{{Citation needed | please provide evidence that such a misconception exists|date=July 2011}} in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a race or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican, Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In contrast to "Latino" or "Hispanic", "[[Anglo]]" refers to non-Hispanic [[White American]]s or non-Hispanic [[European American]]s, most of whom speak the English language but are not necessarily of [[English people|English]] descent.
====Di Brazil====
{{Main|Race in Brazil}}
{{Unreferenced section|date=May 2009}}
Compared to 19th century United States, 20th century [[Demographics of Brazil|Brazil]] was characterized by a perceived relative absence of sharply defined racial groups. According to anthropologist [[Marvin Harris]], this pattern reflects a different history and different [[social relations]]. Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized," but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines [[genotype]]) and [[phenotypic]] differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the [[one-drop rule]], as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from.<ref name="Harris1980"/>
Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and no one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of [[miscegenation]] in [[Brazilian society]], a society that remains highly, but not strictly, [[social stratification|stratified]] along color lines. Henceforth, the Brazilian [[narrative]] of a perfect "post-racist" country, must be met with caution, as sociologist [[Gilberto Freyre]] demonstrated in 1933 in ''Casa Grande e Senzala''.
▲===Catatan===
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