Penyangkalan genosida Armenia: Perbedaan antara revisi
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[[Berkas:IgdirGenocideMuseum.jpg|al=|jmpl|[[Monumen dan Museum Genosida Iğdır]] [[Negasionisme sejarah|mendukung pandangan]] bahwa orang Armenia melakukan genosida terhadap orang Turki, bukan sebaliknya.<ref name="Igdir2">* {{cite book|last1=Marchand|first1=Laure|last2=Perrier|first2=Guillaume|date=2015|title=Turkey and the Armenian Ghost: On the Trail of the Genocide|publisher=[[McGill-Queen's Press]]|isbn=978-0-7735-9720-4|pages=111–112
* {{harvnb|Hovannisian|2001|p=803.|ps={{nbsp}}"... the unbending attitude of the Ankara government, in 1995 of a multi-volume work of the prime ministry's state archives titled ''Armenian Atrocities in the Caucasus and Anatolia According to Archival Documents''. The purpose of the publication is not only to reiterate all previous denials but also to demonstrate that it was in fact the Turkish people who were the victims of a genocide perpetrated by the Armenians."}}
* {{harvnb|Cheterian|2015|pp=65–66|ps=. "Some of the proponents of this official narrative have even gone so far as to claim that the Armenians were the real aggressors, and that Muslim losses were greater than those of the Armenians."}}
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Salah satu alasan terpenting untuk menyangkal genosida Armenia adalah karena peristiwa tersebut memfasilitasi pendirian negara-bangsa Turki, dan pengakuan atas peristiwa tersebut akan bertentangan dengan mitos-mitos pendirian Turki.<ref name="foundational violence"/> Turki telah secara aktif sejak 1920-an untuk mencegah [[Pengakuan genosida Armenia|pengakuan resmi]] atas genosida tersebut atau bahkan penyebutannya di negara-negara lain. Upaya-upaya ini termasuk menghabiskan jutaan dolar untuk melobi, membentuk lembaga penelitian, serta menggunakan intimidasi dan ancaman. Penyangkalan juga mempengaruhi kebijakan domestik Turki dan diajarkan di sekolah-sekolah. Beberapa warga Turki yang mengakui adanya genosida tersebut menghadapi tuntutan hukum, karena dianggap "[[Pasal 301 (hukum pidana Turki)|menghina ke-Turki-an]]". Upaya negara Turki selama seabad untuk menyangkal genosida, membedakannya dengan kasus-kasus genosida lain dalam sejarah.<ref name="unique denial">Kekhasan upaya penyangkalan Turki:
* {{cite journal|last1=Smith|first1=Roger W.|date=2006|title=The Significance of the Armenian Genocide after Ninety Years|journal=Genocide Studies and Prevention|volume=1|issue=2|pages=i–iv|doi=10.3138/G614-6623-M16G-3648|quote=
* {{harvnb|Avedian|2013|p=79|ps=. "Nonetheless, if there is one aspect which makes the Armenian case to stand out, if not unique, is its denial. The Armenian genocide is by far the case which is systematically and officially denied by a state..."}}
* {{harvnb|Akçam|2018|pp=2–3|ps=. "Turkish denialism in regard to the events of the First World War is perhaps the most successful example of how the well-organized, deliberate, and systematic spreading of falsehoods can play an important role in the field of public debate... If every case of genocide can be understood as possessing its own unique character, then the Armenian case is unique among genocides in the long-standing efforts to deny its historicity, and to thereby hide the truths surrounding it."}}
* {{cite book|last1=Tatz|first1=Colin|date=2018|title=Modern Genocide: Analyzing the Controversies and Issues|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-1-4408-6468-1|editor1-last=Bartrop|editor1-first=Paul R.|page=71
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[[File:Ambassador Morgenthau's Story p314.jpg|thumb|left|Jasad-jasad orang Armenia di pinggir jalan, sebuah pemandangan umum di sepanjang rute deportasi{{sfn|Akçam|2018|p=158}}]]
Pada pertengahan April, setelah para pemimpin Utsmaniyah mengambil keputusan untuk melakukan genosida,<ref>{{cite journal
Para sejarawan memperkirakan 1,5 hingga 2 juta orang Armenia tinggal di Kekaisaran Utsmaniyah pada 1915, dan di antara 800.000 hingga 1,2 juta orang dideportasi selama berlangsungnya genosida. Pada 1916, gelombang pembantaian menargetkan orang-orang Armenia yang tersisa di Suriah, dan pada akhir tahun itu, hanya 200.000 orang yang masih hidup.<ref name=Morris>{{cite book |last1=Morris |first1=Benny|author-link=Benny Morris |last2=Ze'evi |first2=Dror|author2-link=Dror Ze'evi |title=The Thirty-Year Genocide: Turkey's Destruction of Its Christian Minorities, 1894–1924|title-link=The Thirty-Year Genocide |date=2019 |publisher=Harvard University Press |isbn=978-0-674-91645-6 |page=486}}</ref> Sekitar 100.000 hingga 200.000 perempuan dan anak-anak diintegrasikan secara paksa ke dalam keluarga Muslim melalui [[Pernikahan paksa|kawin paksa]], adopsi, dan pindah agama.{{sfn|Ekmekçioğlu |2016|p=4}}{{sfn|Akçam|2012|pp=289–290, 331}} Negara [[Perampasan harta benda Armenia oleh Turki|menyita]] dan mendistribusikan kembali harta benda milik orang-orang Armenia yang dibunuh atau dideportasi.{{sfn|Dixon|2010b|pp=105–106}}{{sfn|Akçam|2012|p=341|ps=. "Berdasarkan Makalah Kementerian Dalam Negeri dari periode tersebut, dapat dengan yakin ditegaskan bahwa tujuan Komite Persatuan dan Kemajuan bukanlah memukimkan kembali para penduduk Armenia di Anatolia dan kompensasi yang setara atas barang-barang dan harta benda yang terpaksa mereka tinggalkan. Sebaliknya, penyitaan dan penggunaan barang-barang orang Armenia, selanjutnya dengan jelas menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan pemerintah Unionis dimaksudkan untuk sepenuhnya menghilangkan semua kemungkinan kelangsungan hidup orang Armenia."}} Selama [[Administrasi Armenia Barat|pendudukan Rusia di Anatolia timur]], pasukan Rusia dan Armenia membantai sebanyak 60.000 Muslim. Penyangkalan seringkali membuat [[kesetaraan palsu]] antara aksi pembantaian ini dan genosida.{{sfn|Göçek |2015|p=250|ps=. "Kesetaraan palsu dari kekerasan Armenia dengan versi kekerasan Turki tersebut, menutupi perbedaan antara dua penderitaan, dengan mengabaikan dua faktor. Secara skala, kedua penderitaan-penderitaan tersebut jelas jauh berbeda. Kekerasan yang diderita Muslim di wilayah timur, menyebabkan kematian paling banyak 60.000 Muslim, tetapi kekerasan kolektif yang dilakukan Komite Persatuan dan Kemajuan mengakibatkan kematian setidaknya 800.000 orang Armenia."}}{{sfn|Avedian|2012|p=814 fn. 102}}
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* {{harvnb|Gürpınar|2016|p=234|ps=. "Contrary to the 'selected naivety' of the first part of the 'Turkish thesis', here, a 'deliberate ignorance' is essential. Armenian 'counter-evidence' such as highly comprehensive and also poignant consular reports and dispatches are to be omitted and dismissed as sheer propaganda without responding to the question of why the diplomats falsified the truth."}}
* {{harvnb|Cheterian|2018a|p=189|ps=. "As the deportations and the massacres were taking place, representatives of global powers, diplomats, scholars, and eyewitnesses were also documenting them, and all parties knew that those events were organized by the ruling Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) with the aim to exterminate Ottoman Armenians..."}}</ref> Talat Pasha juga menyimpan [[Dokumen yang tersisa dari Talaat Pasha|catatan statistiknya]] sendiri, yang mengungkap perbedaan besar antara jumlah orang-orang Armenia yang dideportasi pada tahun 1915 dan mereka yang selamat pada tahun 1917.{{sfn|de Waal|2015|pp=51–52}}{{sfn|Cheterian|2018a|pp=189–190}} Sebagian besar cendekiawan non-Turki menerima genosida tersebut sebagai fakta sejarah, dan semakin banyak sejarawan Turki yang mengakui dan mempelajari genosida tersebut.<ref name="academic consensus">konsensus akademik:
* {{cite book|last1=Bloxham|first1=Donald|date=2003|title=Looking Backward, Moving Forward|publisher=[[Routledge]]|isbn=978-0-203-78699-4|pages=23–50|language=en|chapter=Determinants of the Armenian Genocide|doi=10.4324/9780203786994-3|quote=Meskipun ada konsensus ilmiah yang terus bertumbuh tentang fakta Genosida Armenia...|author-link=Donald Bloxham|chapter-url=https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/determinants-armenian-genocide-donald-bloxham/e/10.4324/9780203786994-3|url-status=live}}
* {{harvnb|Suny|2009|p=935|ps=. "Overwhelmingly, since 2000, publications by non-Armenian academic historians, political scientists, and sociologists... have seen 1915 as one of the classic cases of ethnic cleansing and genocide. And, even more significantly, they have been joined by a number of scholars in Turkey or of Turkish ancestry..."}}
* {{harvnb|Göçek|2015|p=1|ps=. "The Western scholarly community is almost in full agreement that what happened to the forcefully deported Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire in 1915 was genocide..."}}
* {{harvnb|Smith|2015|p=5|ps=. "Virtually all American scholars recognize the [Armenian] genocide..."}}
* {{cite journal
* {{cite journal
* {{cite news|date=9 July 2020|title=Taner Akçam: Türkiye'nin, soykırım konusunda her bakımdan izole olduğunu söyleyebiliriz
==Cikal bakal==
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===Gerakan nasionalis Turki===
Genosida Armenia sendiri memainkan peran penting dalam keruntuhan Kekaisaran Utsmaniyah dan berdirinya Republik Turki.<ref name="foundational violence">Kekerasan mendasar:
* {{harvnb|Bloxham|2005|p=111|ps=. "The Armenian genocide provided the emblematic and central violence of Ottoman Turkey's transition into a modernizing nation state. The genocide and accompanying expropriations were intrinsic to the development of the Turkish Republic in the form in which it appeared in 1924."}}
* {{harvnb|Kévorkian|2011|p=810|ps=. "This chapter of the history treated here [the trials] clearly illustrates the incapacity of the great majority to consider these acts punishable crimes; it confronts us with a self-justifying discourse that persists in our own day, a kind of denial of the "original sin," the act that gave birth to the Turkish nation, regenerated and re-centered in a purified space."}}
* {{harvnb|Göçek|2015|p=19|ps=. "... what makes 1915–17 genocidal both then and since is, I argue, closely connected to its being a foundational violence in the constitution of the Turkish republic... the independence of Turkey emerged in direct opposition to the possible independence of Armenia; such coeval origins eliminated the possibility of acknowledging the past violence that had taken place only a couple years earlier on the one hand, and instead nurtured the tendency to systemically remove traces of Armenian existence on the other."}}
* {{harvnb|Suny|2015|pp=349, 365|ps=. "The Armenian Genocide was a central event in the last stages of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the foundational crime that along with the ethnic cleansing and population exchanges of the Anatolian Greeks made possible the formation of an ethnonational Turkish republic... The connection between ethnic cleansing or genocide and the legitimacy of the national state underlies the desperate efforts to deny or distort the history of the nation and the state's genesis."}}
* {{cite book|last1=Kieser|first1=Hans-Lukas|last2=Öktem|first2=Kerem|last3=Reinkowski|first3=Maurus|date=2015|title=World War I and the End of the Ottomans: From the Balkan Wars to the Armenian Genocide|publisher=[[Bloomsbury Publishing]]|isbn=978-0-85772-744-2
* {{harvnb|Chorbajian|2016|p=169|ps=. "As this applies to the Armenians, their physical extermination, violent assimilation, and erasure from memory represent a significant continuity in the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey. The planning and implementation of the Armenian Genocide as an act of commission (1915–22) and omission (1923–present) constitute the final act of the Ottoman Empire and the start of a process of Turkification that defines the Turkish Republic a century later."}}</ref> Penghancuran Kristen kelas menengah, dan pembagian harta benda mereka, memberikan kesempatan pembentukan kaum borjuis Muslim/Turki baru.{{sfn|Kévorkian|2011|p=810}}{{sfn|Akçam|2012|pp=361–362}}{{sfn|Avedian|2012|p=813}} Terdapat kelanjutan signifikan antara Kekaisaran Utsmaniyah dan Republik Turki, serta [[Partai Rakyat Republik]] menjadi penerus Komite Persatuan dan Kemajuan yang mendalangi genosida tersebut.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Üngör |first1=Uğur Ümit |author1-link=Uğur Ümit Üngör |title=Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk 'Social Engineering' |journal=European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey |date=2008 |issue=7 |doi=10.4000/ejts.2583 |url=https://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583#ftn1 |language=en |issn=1773-0546|doi-access=free }}</ref><ref name=Zurcher308>{{harvnb|Zürcher|2011|p=308|ps=. "In ideological terms there is thus a great deal of continuity between the periods of 1912–1918 and 1918–1923. This should come as no surprise... the cadres of the national resistance movement almost without exception consisted of former Unionists, who had been shaped by their shared experience of the previous decade."}}</ref> [[Gerakan Nasional Turki|Gerakan nasionalis Turki]] bergantung pada dukungan dari orang-orang yang melakukan genosida tersebut atau yang memperkaya diri mereka sendiri dari kejadian tersebut, menciptakan dorongan untuk pembungkaman.<ref name=Zurcher316/><ref>{{harvnb|Avedian|2012|p=806}}; {{harvnb|Cheterian|2015|p=155}}; {{harvnb|Baer|2020|p=83}}; {{harvnb|Dixon|2010a|p=468|ps=. "Many contemporary scholars emphasise that this official narrative [on the Armenian Genocide] is largely shaped by continuities and constraints inherited from the founding of the Republic. In particular, they highlight the striking continuities among political elites from the Young Turk through the Republican periods, the concentrated interests of a small group of business and political elites whose wealth can be traced back to confiscated Armenian assets, and the homogenising and Turkifying nature of Turkish national identity."}}</ref> Penyangkalan dan meremehkan kejahatan masa perang berdampak penting pada pembentukan konsensus nasionalis Turki.{{sfn|Kieser|2018|pp=385–386}}
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=== Politik ===
[[Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Turki)|Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan]] (AKP) yang beraliran konservatif Islam berkuasa pada 2002{{sfn|Galip|2020|p=60}}{{sfn|Cheterian|2018a|pp=203–204}} dan memegang pandangan sejarah yang mengkritik Komite Persatuan dan Pembangunan dan [[masa satu partai di Republik Turki|era Republik awal]]. Posisi tersebut awalnya berujung pada beberapa liberalisasi dan persebaran pandangan yang lebih luas yang dapat dinyatakan di ruang terbuka. AKP menyatakan pendekatannya terhadap "peristiwa tahun 1915" sebagai alternatif untuk penyangkalan genosida dan pengakuan genosida, dengan menyatakan penderitaan bersama.<ref name=Gurp425>{{harnvb| Gürpınar|2013|pp=425–426|ps=. "Official state policy remains stringently denialist even though slight twists such as the incorporation/introduction of some rhetorical innovations and the development of a new, more relaxed language that emphasizes the sufferings of 'both sides' have been introduced, thereby trivializing Armenian suffering."}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal
==Hubungan luar negeri Turki==
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Pandangan resmi Turki didasarkan pada keyakinan bahwa genosida Armenia adalah tindakan negara yang sah dan sehingga tidak dapat ditantang atas dasar hukum atau moral.{{sfn|Akçam|2012|p=451|ps=. "What must be understood is that the thesis known in Turkey as the 'official version'... takes as its starting point the assumption that the events of 1915 were derived from governmental actions that were, in essence, within the bounds of what are considered normal and legal actions for a state entity and cannot therefore be explained through a recourse to criminality or criminal law. According to this assumption, under certain conditions a government or a state can resort to actions such as 'forcible deportation,' even if they result in the deaths of its own citizens, and there are no moral or legal grounds upon which such actions can be faulted."}} Publikasi-publikasi dari sudut pandang tersebut sepakat dalam banyak fakta dasar dengan sejarah non-denialis, namun berbeda dalam penafsiran dan kesimpulannya.{{sfn|Suny|2015|p=xii}} Selaras dengan pembenaran Komite Persatuan dan Kemajuan atas tindakan-tindakannya, karya-karya denialis menampilkan orang-orang Armenia sebagai ancaman yang ada bagi kesultanan pada masa perang, sesambil menyangkal niat Komite Persatuan dan Kemajuan untuk memusnahkan orang-orang Armenia. Sejarawan [[Ronald Grigor Suny]] menjelaskan argumen denialis utama sebagai, "Tidak ada genosida yang terjadi, dan orang-orang Armenia-lah yang harus disalahkan."<ref name=Sunyintro>{{harvnb|Suny|2015|pp=xii–xiii|ps=. "The Turkish state and those few historians who reject the notion of genocide have argued that the tragedy was the result of a reasonable and understandable response of a government to a rebellious and seditious population in time of war and mortal danger to the state's survival... There was no genocide, and the Armenians were to blame for it. They were rebellious, seditious subjects who presented a danger to the empire and got what they deserved... Still—the denialists claim—despite the existential threat posed by the Armenians and their Russian allies to the survival of the empire, there was no intention or effort by the Young Turk regime to eliminate the Armenians as a people."}}</ref>{{sfn|Chorbajian|2016|p=167|ps=. "Denial of the Armenian Genocide, therefore, consists of a two-pronged complementary, yet also contradictory, argument we can call 'They Brought It on Themselves and It Never Happened'."}}
Karya-karya denialis menggambarkan orang-orang Armenia sebagai teroris dan separatis,<ref>{{cite journal |last=Akçam |first=Taner |title=Let the Arguments Begin! |journal=Journal of Genocide Research |date=2013 |volume=15 |issue=4 |page=496 |doi=10.1080/14623528.2013.856095 }}</ref> mengalihkan penyalahan dari Komite Persatuan dan Kemajuan kepada orang-orang Armenia.{{sfn|Mamigonian|2015|p=72|ps=. "Thus, each author offers excuses for the actions of the CUP leadership while shifting partial blame onto the victims themselves and, in the process, creates a new criterion for the victims of genocide: the need to be 'wholly innocent'."}}{{sfn|Hovannisian|2015|pp=243–244}} Menurut logika ini, deportasi warga sipil Armenia adalah tanggapan yang dibenarkan dan diperlukan terhadap pengkhianatan Armenia, baik benar-benar nyata maupun dianggap nyata oleh otoritas Utsmaniyah.<ref name=HovannisianErickson/>{{sfn|Suny|2009|p=941|ps=. "What appears in the sources to have been the Turks' panic and paranoia at an imagined danger from their Armenian subjects has metastasized in the hands of apologists into justification for state-ordered murder."}}{{sfn|Kaligian|2014|p=209|ps=. "One of the key arguments made by genocide deniers is that the deportations, and whatever 'unfortunate excesses' occurred during them, were not part of a plan of extermination but rather a response to an Armenian rebellion in the eastern provinces in collaboration with Russia."}} Para pencetus mengutip doktrin [[kebutuhan militer]] dan menyatakan [[penyalahan kolektif]] terhadap seluruh orang Armenia atas pemberontakan militer beberapa orang, meskipun pada kenyataannya, [[hukum perang]] mengkriminalisasi pembantaian warga sipil.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Moses
Argumen lain meliputi:
Baris 160 ⟶ 163:
* Anggapan bahwa orang-orang Turki tidak dapat melakukan genosida, sebuah argumen yang seringkali didukung dengan klaim-klaim yang dilebih-lebihkan mengenai [[Yahudi-Turki|kemurahan hati Utsmaniyah dan Turki terhadap Yahudi]].{{sfn|Baer|2020|pp=1–2, 183–185, 293}} Pada upacara resmi untuk mengenang Holokaus pada 2014, Menlu Turki [[Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu]] mengklaim bahwa, berbeda dengan Kristen Eropa, "Tidak ada akar genosida dalam sejarah kami."{{sfn|Baer|2020|pp=1, 207–208}} Pada kunjungan ke Sudan pada 2006, Perdana Menteri [[Recep Tayyip Erdoğan]] menyangkali [[genosida Darfur]] karena "seorang Muslim tidak dapat melakukan genosida".{{sfn|Kaligian|2014|p=208}}<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Libairdian |first1=Gerard |author1-link=Gerard Libaridian |title=Erdoğan and His Armenian Problem |journal=[[Turkish Policy Quarterly]] |date=2013 |volume=12 |issue=1 |page=57 |url=http://turkishpolicy.com/article/608/erdogan-and-his-armenian-problem-spring-2013 |language=en |issn=1303-5754}}</ref>
* Klaim-klaim genosida timbul dari pandangan dunia yang berprasangka, [[anti-Turki]] atau [[Orientalisme|Orientalis]].{{sfn|Hovannisian|2015|p=234}}
* Pada penghujung akhir klaim denialis menyatakan bahwa bukan Turki yang melakukan genosida terhadap Armenia melainkan sebaliknya, seperti yang dinyatakan oleh [[Monumen dan Museum Genosida Iğdır]].<ref name="Igdir">* {{cite book|last1=Marchand|first1=Laure|last2=Perrier|first2=Guillaume|date=2015|title=Turkey and the Armenian Ghost: On the Trail of the Genocide|publisher=[[McGill-Queen's Press]]|isbn=978-0-7735-9720-4|pages=111–112|language=en|quote=Monumen genosida Iğdır adalah karikatur ultimat dari kebijakan pemerintah Turki yang menyangkal genosida 1915 dengan menulis ulang sejarah dan mengubah para korban menjadi pihak yang bersalah.|url-status=live}}
* {{harvnb|Hovannisian|2001|p=803.|ps={{nbsp}}"... the unbending attitude of the Ankara government, in 1995 of a multi-volume work of the prime ministry's state archives titled ''Armenian Atrocities in the Caucasus and Anatolia According to Archival Documents''. The purpose of the publication is not only to reiterate all previous denials but also to demonstrate that it was in fact the Turkish people who were the victims of a genocide perpetrated by the Armenians."}}
* {{harvnb|Cheterian|2015|pp=65–66|ps=. "Some of the proponents of this official narrative have even gone so far as to claim that the Armenians were the real aggressors, and that Muslim losses were greater than those of the Armenians."}}
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