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== Heidegger and Nazi Germany ==
Heidegger bergabung dengan Partai Nazi pada tanggal 1 Mei 1933, sebelum diangkat rektor universitas di Freiburg. Dia mengundurkan diri dari rectorship pada bulan April 1934. Selama ini mantan guru Heidegger Husserl, yang Yahudi, ditolak penggunaan perpustakaan universitas di Freiburg karena hukum pembersihan rasial yang dikeluarkan oleh Partai Nazi. Heidegger juga dihapus dedikasi untuk Husserl dari Menjadi dan Waktu ketika diterbitkan kembali pada tahun 1941. Heidegger kemudian mengklaim bahwa ini adalah akibat tekanan dari penerbit, Max Niemeyer. Selain itu, ketika Pendahuluan Heidegger untuk Metafisika (kuliah awalnya diberikan pada tahun 1935) diterbitkan pada 1953, ia menolak untuk menghapus referensi ke "kebenaran batin dan kebesaran dari gerakan [mati Innere Wahrheit und Große dieser Bewegnung]," yaitu Nasional Sosialisme. Alih-alih menghapus atau mengubah teks, ia hanya menambahkan gloss kurung, "(yaitu, konfrontasi teknologi planet dan manusia modern) (nämlich [mati] Begegnung der planetarisch bestimmten Technik und des neuzeitlichen Menschen)." Banyak pembaca, khususnya Jürgen Habermas, datang untuk menafsirkan pernyataan ambigu sebagai bukti dari komitmen untuk Sosialisme Nasional.
Heidegger joined the [[Nazi Party]] on [[May 1]], [[1933]], before being appointed the rector of the university in [[Freiburg]]. He resigned from the rectorship in April [[1934]]. During this time Heidegger's former teacher [[Edmund Husserl|Husserl]], who was [[Jew]]ish, was denied the use of the university library at Freiburg because of the [[racial policy of Nazi Germany|racial cleansing laws]] issued by the Nazi Party. Heidegger also removed the dedication to Husserl from ''[[Being and Time]]'' when it was reissued in [[1941]]. Heidegger later claimed that this was due to pressure from his publisher, [[Max Niemeyer]]. Additionally, when Heidegger's ''Introduction to Metaphysics'' (lectures originally given in [[1935]]) was published in 1953, he declined to remove a reference to the "inner truth and greatness of this movement [''die innere Wahrheit und Größe dieser Bewegnung'']," i.e. [[Nazism|National Socialism]]. Instead of deleting or altering the text, he merely added the parenthetical gloss, "(namely, the confrontation of planetary technology and modern humanity) ''(nämlich [die] Begegnung der planetarisch bestimmten Technik und des neuzeitlichen Menschen)''." Many readers, notably [[Jürgen Habermas]], came to interpret this ambiguous remark as evidence of his continued commitment to National Socialism.
Critics further cite Heidegger's affair with [[Hannah Arendt]], when she was a doctoral student of his at the [[University of Marburg]]. This affair mostly went along in the 20s, some time before Heidegger's involvement in Nazism, but it did not end when she "fled" from him and moved to [[Heidelberg]] to continue with [[Karl Jaspers]], and she later spoke on his behalf at his [[denazification]] hearings. Jaspers spoke against him at these same hearings, suggesting he would have a detrimental influence on young German students because of his powerful teaching presence. Arendt, who was Jewish, resumed their friendship, if extremely cautiously, after the war, despite or even because of the widespread contempt that Heidegger was held in for his political sympathies, and despite his being forbidden from teaching for a number of years.
=== ''Der Spiegel'' interview ===
Some years later, hoping to quiet controversy, Heidegger gave an interview to ''[[Der Spiegel]]'' magazine, in which he promised to discuss the issue provided it was published posthumously. It should also be mentioned that the published version was not a real interview, but the protocol had been largely "corrected" on Heidegger's demand. In this interview, Heidegger's defense of his Nazi involvement runs in two tracks: first, he argues that there would have been no alternative; he says he had tried to save the university (and science in general) from being politicized and had to make compromises with the Nazi administration. Second, he saw an "awakening" ("Aufbruch"), something which might help to find a "new national and social approach". From 1934 on, he says, he would have been more critical towards the government. Heidegger is evasive on some questions in this interview. For example, when he talks about a "national and social approach" in national socialism he links this to [[Friedrich Naumann]]. But Naumann's "national-sozialer Verein" was not at all national socialist, but liberal. This confusion seems to be deliberately created by Heidegger. Also, he changes between his two arguments quickly, disregarding their contradictions. And his statements often tend to take the form "others were much more Nazis than me" and "the Nazis did bad things to me, too", both of which are true, but miss the point. Also, the ''Der Spiegel'' interviewers did not bring to question Heidegger's quote from 1949 where he compares engineered food production to [[the Holocaust]] ("essentially the same"); in fact, they were not in possession of much of the evidence for Heidegger's sympathies towards Nazism which is known today. To further evaluate this issue, read "Only a God Can Save Us," ''Der Spiegel'' interview with Heidegger (1966) and [[Jürgen Habermas]], "Work and Weltanschauung: The Heidegger Controversy from a German Perspective." translated by John McCumber, ''Critical Inquiry'' 15 (Winter 1989): pp. 431-456.
=== Obligations and unsplendid silence: Celan at "Todtnauberg" ===
Shortly after giving the ''Spiegel'' interview and following Celan's lecture at Freiburg, Heidegger hosted [[Paul Celan]] at his chalet at Todtnauberg. The two walked in the woods. Celan impressed Heidegger with his knowledge of [[botany]] (also evident in his poetry), and Heidegger is thought to have spoken about elements of his press interview. Celan signed Heidegger's guest book.
In his ''Poetry as Experience,'' Lacoue-Labarthe advanced the argument that, although Celan's poetry was deeply informed by Heidegger's philosophy, Celan was long aware of Heidegger's association with the Nazi party and therefore fundamentally circumspect toward the man and transformative in his reception of his work. Celan was nonetheless willing to meet Heidegger (although he may not have been willing to be photographed with him or to contribute to ''Festschriften'' honoring Heidegger's work). Heidegger was a professed admirer of Celan's writing, although he did not attend to it as [[Friedrich Hölderlin|Hölderlin]] or [[Georg Trakl|Trakl]] (neither did he attend to Celan as a Jewish poet working within that German tradition). "Todtnauberg", however, seems to hold out the unrealized possibility of a profound rapprochement between their work, albeit on the condition that Heidegger break a silence that virtually blanketed his work to the end (Lacoue-Labarthe has commented on the insufficiency of Heidegger's one known remark about the gas chambers, made in 1949). In this respect Heidegger's work was perhaps redeemable for Celan, even if that redemption or what need was had for it was never transacted between the two men. Lest one implicitly take this as Celan simply demanding an apology of Heidegger (such a scenario seems simplistic, the more so given that neither was given to simplism), there are reasonable grounds to argue that it was (and still is) at least as important to specify how the Nazi period is ''das Unheil'' (disaster, calamity) (which is to say: specificity as to a great deal more than counting the dead). What compelled Heidegger to write about poetry, technology, and truth ought to have compelled him to write about the German disaster, all the more so because, on the basis of his thought, Heidegger attributed an "inner greatness" to the movement that brought about that disaster.
Lacoue-Labarthe and [[Jacques Derrida]] have both commented extensively on Heidegger's corpus, and both have identified an idiomatically Heideggerian National Socialism that persisted until the end. It is perhaps of greater importance that Lacoue-Labarthe and Derrida, following Celan to a degree, believed Heidegger to be also capable of a profound criticism of Nazism and the horrors it brought forth. They consider Heidegger's greatest failure not to be his involvement in the National Socialist movement but his "silence on the extermination" (Lacoue-Labarthe) and his refusal to engage in a thorough deconstruction of Nazism beyond laying out certain of his considerable objections to party orthodoxies and (particularly in the case of Lacoue-Labarthe) their passage through [[Nietzsche]], [[Hölderlin]], and [[Richard Wagner]], all taken to be susceptible to Nazi appropriation. It would be reasonable to say that both Lacoue-Labarthe and Derrida regarded Heidegger as capable of confronting Nazism in this more radical fashion and have themselves undertaken such work on the basis of this (one ought to note in due course the questions raised by Derrida in "Desistance" in calling attention to Lacoue-Labarthe's parenthetical comment: "(in any case, Heidegger never avoids anything)").
=== Conclusion ===
Heidegger's involvements with the Nazis and the lack of a clear apology for them complicated many of his friendships, and continues to complicate the reception of his work. It is disputable whether Heidegger was [[antisemitism|antisemitic]] or if he was taken in by the charismatic projections of Nazi propaganda, but he had clear sympathies for certain elements of Nazism. Whether this is in any way a result of his philosophy is still contested. It has also been noted that many parts of "Sein und Zeit" can be read as anti-democratic, anti-modernist and anti-liberal, e.g. the condemnations against the "lordship of the ''they''" (Herrschaft des Man), the "chatter" (Gerede) and the Dasein's ''Verfallenheit'' (roughly, being-fallen-to) the world. However these critisims misunderstand Heidegger. Heidegger took pains to ensure that his use of terms like "Verfallenheit" were not interpreted as having negative implications. He states this explicitly in the opening paragraph of section 38 of "Being and Time".
The possibility that Heidegger's affiliation with the Nazi party was the result of his philosophy would lead many to discredit Heidegger as a philosopher solely on this basis, as [[Jean-François Lyotard]] remarked, the formula becomes "if a Nazi, then not a great thinker" or, conversely, "if a great thinker, then not a Nazi") -->
== Karya ==
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