Tepi Barat
Tepi Barat (bahasa Arab: الضفة الغربية, aḍ-Ḍiffä l-Ġarbīyä, bahasa Ibrani: יהודה ושומרון, Hagadah Hama'aravit), disebut demikian karena hubungannya dengan Sungai Yordan, merupakan wilayah yang lebih besar dari dua wilayah Palestina (yang lainnya adalah Jalur Gaza). Wilayah yang terkurung daratan di dekat pantai Laut Mediterania di wilayah Levant di Asia Barat,[5] ini berbatasan dengan Yordania dan Laut Mati di sebelah timur dan Israel (melalui Garis Hijau) di sebelah selatan, barat, dan utara.
Tepi Barat الضفة الغربية הגדה המערבית | |
---|---|
Lokasi Tepi Barat dalam wilayah yang diklaim Negara Palestina | |
Status |
|
Bahasa yang umum digunakan | Bahasa Arab, Ibrani |
Agama | Islam, Yudaisme, Kekristenan |
Luas | |
- Total | 5.655 km2 |
Populasi | |
- Perkiraan 2021 | 2.949.246[b] |
Mata uang | Shekel Israel (ILS) Dinar Yordania (JOD) |
Zona waktu | Waktu Standar Palestina (UTC+2) |
- Musim panas (DST) | UTC+3 (Waktu Musim Panas Palestina) |
Kode telepon | +970 |
Kode ISO 3166 | PS |
Konversi Mandat Britania atas Palestina menjadi Negara Israel memicu perang antara Arab dan Israel, setelah itu Tepi Barat diduduki oleh negara mayoritas Arab, Yordania. Pada tahun 1950, Yordania mencaplok wilayah tersebut dan menguasainya hingga Perang Enam Hari 1967, ketika wilayah tersebut direbut dan diduduki oleh Israel. Sejak saat itu, Israel mengelola Tepi Barat sebagai Wilayah Yudea dan Samaria, dan memperluas klaimnya ke Yerusalem Timur pada tahun 1980. Pada pertengahan tahun 1990-an, Perjanjian Oslo membagi Tepi Barat menjadi tiga wilayah kedaulatan Palestina, melalui Otoritas Nasional Palestina (PNA): Wilayah A (PNA), Wilayah B (PNA dan Israel), dan Wilayah C (Israel, yang terdiri dari 60% wilayah Tepi Barat). PNA menjalankan administrasi sipil secara keseluruhan atau sebagian atas 165 daerah kantong Palestina di ketiga wilayah tersebut. Karena kedua wilayah Palestina (termasuk Yerusalem Timur) diklaim oleh Negara Palestina, kedua wilayah tersebut tetap menjadi pusat konflik Israel-Palestina.
Masyarakat internasional menganggap permukiman Israel di Tepi Barat sebagai ilegal menurut hukum internasional.[6][7][8][9] Area C berisi 230 permukiman Israel yang di dalamnya berlaku hukum Israel dan berdasarkan Perjanjian Oslo, sebagian besar permukiman tersebut seharusnya dialihkan ke PNA pada tahun 1997, namun hal ini tidak terjadi.[10] Mengutip undang-undang tahun 1980 di mana Israel mengklaim Yerusalem sebagai ibu kotanya, perjanjian perdamaian Israel-Yordania tahun 1994, dan Perjanjian Oslo, sebuah keputusan penasehat tahun 2004 dari Mahkamah Internasional menyimpulkan bahwa Tepi Barat, termasuk Yerusalem Timur, masih merupakan wilayah yang diduduki Israel.[11]
Tepi Barat memiliki luas wilayah sekitar 5.640 kilometer persegi (2.180 mil persegi). Diperkirakan terdapat 2.747.943 penduduk Palestina, dan lebih dari 670.000 pemukim Israel tinggal di Tepi Barat, di mana sekitar 220.000 di antaranya tinggal di Yerusalem Timur.
Wilayah administrasi
Referensi
- ^ "Ban sends Palestinian application for UN membership to Security Council". United Nations News Centre. 23 September 2011. Diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 10 October 2015. Diakses tanggal 11 September 2015.
- ^ "Mideast accord: the overview; Rabin and Arafat sign accord ending Israel's 27-year hold on Jericho and the Gaza Strip" Diarsipkan 9 December 2020 di Wayback Machine.. Chris Hedges, New York Times, 5 May 1994.
- ^ Roberts, Adam (1990). "Prolonged Military Occupation: The Israeli-Occupied Territories Since 1967" (PDF). The American Journal of International Law. 84 (1): 85–86. doi:10.2307/2203016. JSTOR 2203016. Diarsipkan dari versi asli (PDF) tanggal 2020-02-15.
The international community has taken a critical view of both deportations and settlements as being contrary to international law. General Assembly resolutions have condemned the deportations since 1969, and have done so by overwhelming majorities in recent years. Likewise, they have consistently deplored the establishment of settlements, and have done so by overwhelming majorities throughout the period (since the end of 1976) of the rapid expansion in their numbers. The Security Council has also been critical of deportations and settlements; and other bodies have viewed them as an obstacle to peace, and illegal under international law... Although East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights have been brought directly under Israeli law, by acts that amount to annexation, both of these areas continue to be viewed by the international community as occupied, and their status as regards the applicability of international rules is in most respects identical to that of the West Bank and Gaza.
- ^ "West Bank". Central Intelligence Agency. 17 October 2023 – via CIA.gov.
- ^ "West Bank", The World Factbook (dalam bahasa Inggris), Central Intelligence Agency, 2022-09-27, diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 22 July 2021, diakses tanggal 2022-09-30
- ^ Roberts, Adam (1990). "Prolonged Military Occupation: The Israeli-Occupied Territories Since 1967" (PDF). The American Journal of International Law. 84 (1): 85–86. doi:10.2307/2203016. JSTOR 2203016. Diarsipkan dari versi asli (PDF) tanggal 2020-02-15.
The international community has taken a critical view of both deportations and settlements as being contrary to international law. General Assembly resolutions have condemned the deportations since 1969, and have done so by overwhelming majorities in recent years. Likewise, they have consistently deplored the establishment of settlements, and have done so by overwhelming majorities throughout the period (since the end of 1976) of the rapid expansion in their numbers. The Security Council has also been critical of deportations and settlements; and other bodies have viewed them as an obstacle to peace, and illegal under international law... Although East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights have been brought directly under Israeli law, by acts that amount to annexation, both of these areas continue to be viewed by the international community as occupied, and their status as regards the applicability of international rules is in most respects identical to that of the West Bank and Gaza.
- ^ Pertile, Marco (2005). "'Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory': A Missed Opportunity for International Humanitarian Law?". Dalam Conforti, Benedetto; Bravo, Luigi. The Italian Yearbook of International Law. 14. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. hlm. 141. ISBN 978-90-04-15027-0.
the establishment of the Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory has been considered illegal by the international community and by the majority of legal scholars.
- ^ Barak-Erez, Daphne (2006). "Israel: The security barrier—between international law, constitutional law, and domestic judicial review". International Journal of Constitutional Law. 4 (3): 548. doi:10.1093/icon/mol021 .
The real controversy hovering over all the litigation on the security barrier concerns the fate of the Israeli settlements in the occupied territories. Since 1967, Israel has allowed and even encouraged its citizens to live in the new settlements established in the territories, motivated by religious and national sentiments attached to the history of the Jewish nation in the land of Israel. This policy has also been justified in terms of security interests, taking into consideration the dangerous geographic circumstances of Israel before 1967 (where Israeli areas on the Mediterranean coast were potentially threatened by Jordanian control of the West Bank ridge). The international community, for its part, has viewed this policy as patently illegal, based on the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention that prohibit moving populations to or from territories under occupation.
- ^ Drew, Catriona (1997). "Self-determination and population transfer". Dalam Bowen, Stephen. Human rights, self-determination and political change in the occupied Palestinian territories. International studies in human rights. 52. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. hlm. 151–152. ISBN 978-90-411-0502-8.
It can thus clearly be concluded that the transfer of Israeli settlers into the occupied territories violates not only the laws of belligerent occupation but the Palestinian right of self-determination under international law. The question remains, however, whether this is of any practical value. In other words, given the view of the international community that the Israeli settlements are illegal under the law if belligerent occupation, what purpose does it serve to establish that an additional breach of international law has occurred?
- ^ World Bank 2013, hlm. vii.
- ^ Domb, Fania (2007). International Law and Armed Conflict: Exploring the Faultlines. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. hlm. 511. ISBN 978-90-04-15428-5. Diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 3 March 2023. Diakses tanggal 29 October 2020.
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