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Pembantaian Pemilu 1874

Revisi sejak 28 Desember 2023 03.26 oleh MuzakkiRamadhanakbar (bicara | kontrib) (menerjemahkan)


Pembantaian Pemilu 1874, atau Kudeta 1874, terjadi pada hari pemilu, 3 November 1874, dekat Eufaula, Alabama di Kabupaten Barbour. Orang Bebas terdiri dari mayoritas penduduk dan telah memilih kandidat Partai Republik untuk menjabat. Anggota Liga Putih cabang Alabama, sebuah kelompok paramiliter yang mendukung upaya Partai Demokrat untuk mendapatkan kembali kekuasaan politik di wilayah dan negara bagian, menggunakan senjata api untuk menyergap anggota Partai Republik kulit hitam di tempat pemungutan suara.[1]

Election massacre of 1874
Part of the Reconstruction Era
LokasiEufaula, Alabama
TanggalNovember 3, 1874
SasaranRepublican voters, and county officials
Jenis serangan
Korban tewas
At least 7 Black Republicans and 1 son of a Republican judge were killed
Korban luka
at least 70
PelakuWhite League

Di Eufaula, anggota Liga Putih membunuh sekitar 15-40 pemilih kulit hitam dan melukai 70 orang, serta mengusir lebih dari 1.000 orang kulit hitam tak bersenjata di tempat pemungutan suara. Dengan menyerang tempat pemungutan suara di Spring Hill, Liga secara efektif membajak pemilu. Mereka memecat semua anggota Partai Republik dan kandidat dari Partai Demokrat mengambil mayoritas kursi untuk pemilihan.

Background

The White League had formed in 1874 as an insurgent, white Democratic paramilitary group in Grant Parish and nearby parishes[2] on the Red River of the South in Louisiana. The League was founded by members of the white militia who had committed the Colfax Massacre in Louisiana in 1873, killing numerous black people in order to turn out Republicans from parish offices as part of the disputed 1872 gubernatorial election. Historians such as George Rabe consider groups such as the White League and Red Shirts as a "military arm" of the Democratic Party. Their members worked openly to disrupt Republican meetings, and attacked and intimidated voters to suppress black voting. They courted press attention rather than operating secretly, as had the Ku Klux Klan.

Chapters spread to Alabama and other states in the Deep South. A similar paramilitary group was the Red Shirts, which originated in Mississippi and became active in the Carolinas. Both paramilitary groups contributed to the Democrats' regaining control in the state legislatures in the late 1870s. The Red Shirts were still active in the 1890s and were implicated in the Wilmington Insurrection of 1898 in North Carolina.[3] In the days leading up to the election, the commanding officer in Eufaula was expecting trouble but was ordered by the headquarters in Kentucky to stay away from the local officials over the polls and not interfere with the election under any circumstance. [4]

Events

On the eve of the 1874 election, approximately 1,000 black Republicans were camped outside of Eufaula. While rumors spread throughout the white community that black Republicans would attempt an invasion.[5] On election day, November 3, 1874, an Alabama chapter of the White League repeated actions taken earlier that year in Vicksburg, Mississippi. After the election started, an underage black Republican was caught attempting to vote. After being discovered by the white democrats, he was stabbed in an alleyway. The White League invaded Eufaula and, with firearms, ambushed Black voters as they marched down Broad Street, killing an estimated 15-40 black Republicans, injuring at least 70 more, and driving off more than 1,000 unarmed Republicans from the polls.[6][7] The group moved on to Spring Hill, where members stormed the polling place, destroying the ballot box, and killing the 16-year-old son of a white Republican judge in their shooting.[8]

The White League refused to count any Republican votes cast. But, Republican voters reflected the black majority in the county, as well as white supporters. They outnumbered Democratic voters by a margin greater than two to one. The League declared the Democratic candidates victorious, forced Republican politicians out of office, and seized every county office in Barbour County in a kind of coup d'état.[9] Such actions were repeated in other parts of the South in the 1870s, as Democrats sought to regain political dominance in states with black majorities and numerous Republican officials. In Barbour County, the Democrats auctioned off as "slaves" (for a maximum cost of $2 per month) or otherwise silenced all Republican witnesses to the events. They were intimidated from testifying to the coup if the case went to federal court. Eventually, the rioters stood before a grand jury, and the grand jury blamed the "militant" black Republicans for the tense atmosphere in Eufaula. [9]

Legacy

Due to the actual and threatened violence by the White League, Black voters began to stay away from the polls in Barbour County. They no longer voted in sufficient number to retain a majority of Republican officeholders. White Democrats continued to intimidate black voters through the late 19th century, especially after a Populist-Republican alliance elected some Fusion candidates in the Deep South, as well as local Republican officials in many states.

In the 1874 election in Alabama, 29 797 more votes than in 1872 mainly went to Democrats. But African Americans and later democrats admit that the votes were fraudulent. After the 1874 election, the Alabama Democrats used intimidation to limit African American voters from voting for a constitutional convention and the election to ratify the Alabama Constitution.[10]

In 1875, Mississippi Democrats also used widespread intimidation to control local elections, which became known as the Mississippi Plan. Such violence was adopted by chapters in other cities and counties. Democrats regained control of Alabama and other state legislatures. Reconstruction ended with the withdrawal of federal troops as part of a compromise to elect Rutherford B Hayes.

Historian Dan T. Carter concludes that "the triumph of white supremacy came at great cost, not only to the defeated Republican Party, but to the processes of government. Violence, already endemic in southern society, became institutionalized, and community leaders transformed the willful corruption and manipulation of elections into a patriotic virtue."[11]

In 1901 the Democratic-dominated state legislature in Alabama, like other southern states, followed Mississippi's lead to end such election-related violence by passing a new constitution that effectively disenfranchised most black people by such measures as poll taxes, literacy tests, grandfather clauses and white primaries. Poll taxes and literacy tests also disfranchised tens of thousands of poor whites in Alabama. Although the Democratic legislature had promised whites would not be affected by the new measures, politicians wanted to preclude poor whites allying with black people in Populist-Republican coalitions.[12] With disfranchisement achieved, the legislature passed laws imposing racial segregation and other elements of Jim Crow, a system that lasted well into the 1960s. At that time, the gains of the Civil Rights Movement led to Congressional passage of legislation in the mid-1960s that prohibited segregation and began to enforce the constitutional rights for minorities to suffrage and equal protection under the law.

In 1979, the state erected a "historical" marker located at the intersection of U.S. Highway 82 and Barbour County Road 49 near Comer, Alabama. The marker effectively blurred events – and their significance – in which the 1874 election supervisor Elias Kiels was assaulted and his son, Willie, was murdered while they were counting votes. The marker makes no connection to the murderous ambush on the same day in Eufaula, a few miles away. At Old Spring Hill, the terrorist mob, intent on disrupting the counting of ballots, was led by rich landowners Wallace Comer and his brother Braxton Bragg Comer. In the subsequent 1876 presidential election, "only ten black Republicans went to the polls in Eufaula." And three decades later, Braxton Bragg Comer, would benefit from the exclusion of Black voters in Jim Crow Alabama, being elected governor of the state.[13]

The "historical" marker reads:

Near here is Old Spring Hill, the site of one of the polling places for the November 3, 1874 local, state and national elections. Elias M. Keils, scalawag and Judge of the City Court of Eufaula, was United States supervisor at the Spring Hill ballot box. William, his 16 year-old son, was with him. After the polls closed, a mob broke into the building, extinguished the lights, destroyed the poll box and began shooting. During the riot, Willie Keils was mortally wounded. The resulting Congressional investigation received national attention. This bloody episode marked the end of the Republican domination in Barbour County. - Erected by the Historic Chattahoochee Commission, 1979.

The 1874 election massacre is not mentioned in the Alabama state history curriculum, so the population does not widely remember the event.[14] Due to this, there is no effort to correct the misrepresentation of the historical event portrayed on the historical marker.

See also

References

  1. ^ "Ambushed in Eufaula: Alabama's forgotten race massacre". al (dalam bahasa Inggris). 2022-01-16. Diakses tanggal 2022-01-29. 
  2. ^ "Parishes" in the State of Louisiana are administrative regions basically analogous to "Counties" in most other States of the United States of America.
  3. ^ LeRae Umfleet, "Chapter 3: Practical Politics" Diarsipkan 2015-09-24 di Wayback Machine., 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Commission Report, North Carolina Dept. of Cultural Resources
  4. ^ Wiggins, Sarah Woolfork. The Scalawag in Alabama Politics, 1865-1881. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1991
  5. ^ https://encyclopediaofalabama.org/article/election-riots-of-1874/ .2009-11-06. Retrieved 2023-05-01.
  6. ^ Mary Ellen Curtin, "Black Prisoners and Their World, Alabama, 1865-1900," University Press of Virginia, 2000, p. 55
  7. ^ Carter, Dan T. (1995). The politics of rage: George Wallace, the origins of the new conservatism, and the transformation of American politics. New York: Simon & Schuster. hlm. 36–37. ISBN 0-684-80916-8. OCLC 32739924. 
  8. ^ Curtin (2000), Black Prisoners, pp. 55-56.
  9. ^ a b Curtin (2000), "Black Prisoners," p. 56
  10. ^ Going, Allen Johnston. Bourbon Democracy in Alabama, 1874-1890. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972.
  11. ^ Carter, Dan T. (1995). The politics of rage : George Wallace, the origins of the new conservatism, and the transformation of American politics. New York: Simon & Schuster. hlm. 37. ISBN 0-684-80916-8. OCLC 32739924. 
  12. ^ Glenn Feldman, The Disenfranchisement Myth: Poor Whites and Suffrage Restriction in Alabama, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004, pp. 135–136
  13. ^ Carter, Dan T. (1995). The politics of rage : George Wallace, the origins of the new conservatism, and the transformation of American politics. New York: Simon & Schuster. hlm. 36–37. ISBN 0-684-80916-8. OCLC 32739924. 
  14. ^ Alabama social studies course of study alabamaachieves.org Diarsipkan 2023-05-08 di Wayback Machine.

Templat:Riots in the United States (1865–1918) Templat:Reconstruction Era

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